Welcome to my webpage

My 2nd article in Huffington Post: "The Dharmic Method to Save the Planet"

2011-05-12T11:53:00.000-04:00

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/pankaj-jain-phd/the-dharmic-method-to-sav_b_859447.html

My Radio Interview discussing Hinduism, Jainism and Ecology

2011-04-14T11:22:00.001-04:00

http://www.progressiveradionetwork.com/paradise-parking-lot/2011/4/13/paradise-parking-lot-041311.html

Pankaj Jain, Ph.D.: 10 Hindu Environmental Teachings

2011-04-10T19:15:00.000-04:00

Pankaj Jain, Ph.D.: 10 Hindu Environmental Teachings

Amazon.com: Dharma and Ecology of Hindu Communities: Sustenance and Sustainability (Ashgate New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology, and Biblical Studies) (9781409405917): Pankaj Jain: Books

2011-04-10T18:04:00.000-04:00

Amazon.com: Dharma and Ecology of Hindu Communities: Sustenance and Sustainability (Ashgate New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology, and Biblical Studies) (9781409405917): Pankaj Jain: Books

My article on Washington Post (on Obama on Newsweek cover)

2010-11-29T21:35:00.000-05:00

http://onfaith.washingtonpost.com/onfaith/guestvoices/2010/11/the_cosmic_questions_behind_the_cosmic_dance_of_obama-raja_on_newsweeek.html

Dharma Talk, radio show on India's religious traditions and more...

2010-09-12T08:52:00.008-04:00

On http://www.radiokarishma.com/ from Sunday 12th sep 2010 at 6 pm to 7 pm, DHARMA TALK A very positive and inspiring forum exploring India's religion and its spiritual practice towards Harmony and peace in surroundings.

This forum will be lead by Dr. Pankaj Jain Assistant professor of philisophy and religious studies and of anthropology at the university of north texas.

The archive of the first show is here:

http://www.radiokarishma.com/progrms_listing.php?id=12#

Bollywood and Beyond: Hinduism Changing the World

2010-06-27T23:44:00.001-04:00

Bollywood and Beyond: Hinduism Changing the World

Summer Online Courses From NCSU on Sanskrit and Bollywood

2010-04-16T16:17:00.001-04:00

Sanskrit 101 in Summer 1:
http://delta.ncsu.edu/apps/coursedetail/index.php?id=FL:295::601:SUM1:2010

Bollywood in Summer 2:
http://delta.ncsu.edu/apps/coursedetail/index.php?id=FL:295::601:SUM2:2010

AND

Sanskrit 102 in Summer 2:
http://delta.ncsu.edu/apps/coursedetail/index.php?id=FL:295::602:SUM2:2010

3 Idiots - All is not well

2009-12-29T15:47:00.001-05:00

Watched "3 Idiots" - All is not well, more hype than substance, good acting and comedy but poor storyline, especially compared with the earlier films of the director RH and the actor AK. I just could not help compare its story (especially the second half) with really innovative stories of Munna Bhai series, Rang De Basanti, Lagaan, Taare Zameen Pe... Compared with these earlier films of RH and AK, 3 idiots is pretty old wine in new bottle, 3 idiots could not rise beyond the memories of Dil Chahta Hai kind of friendship movies...I had somewhat higher expectations from innovative artists like RH (director) and Aamir Khan. I did like the film 3 idiots, however, it is not a classic in the league of other Aamir films...

Well, just found that I am not alone in my mixed response to the film:
Rajeev Masand of CNN-IBN gave the film three out of five stars and states: "Going home after watching 3 Idiots I felt like I'd just been to my favourite restaurant only to be a tad under-whelmed by their signature dish. It was a satisfying meal, don't get me wrong, but not the best meal I'd been expecting." [38] Noyon Jyoti Parasara of AOL India too criticized the length of the film. " A 20-reeler – ‘3 idiots’ is 3 hours long! By all standards that’s too long a time, especially when the audience has shrinking tolerance level and attention span. It could have easily been shorter had the director preferred editing out some scenes," he remarks.[39] Shubhra Gupta of Indian Express gave 3 out of 5 star and criticized movie saying "The emotional truth that shone through both the ‘Munnabhai’ movies doesn’t come through strongly enough in '3 Idiots'".

Online Course on Indian Films and Religions

2009-11-04T14:37:00.003-05:00

Ghazals on classical raga

2009-10-01T15:54:00.003-04:00

Note: MH - Mehdi Hassan, JS, CS - Jagjit & Chitra Singh, GA - Ghulam Ali

Ahir Bhairav
Jab bhi aati hai teri yaad kabhi shaam MH
Hume koi gham MH
O Laagi re - MH

Bageshri
Aapko bhool jaaye hum (CS) mishra kaafi
Kaise kaise log – MH
Dilki baat labope MH
Ab koi baat bhi meri
Ek naye modpe MH

Bahar
Phool hi phool khil uthe - MH

Bhairav
Saamne hai jo use log JS (Bairagi)
Hosh-hasti (mangal) MH
Manzil na de chiraag na de JS

Bhairavi
Phir kisi raah guzar par shayad - JS
Meri tanhaiyon tum hi lagalo mujhko sinese - JS
Yeh dil yeh paagal dil mera (awaargi) - GA
Kabhi neki bhi uske ji men gar aa jaye hai mujhse - GA
Jo bhaje hari ko sada – Bheemsen Joshi
Main khayal hoon – MH
Yaaro kisii qaatil se kabhii pyaar na maa.Ngo MH
Yaaron Kisai Qatil Se MH
Apno ne gham diye MH

Raga Bhankar
Khuli Jo Ankh

Bhimpalashri
Zindagimen to sabhi pyar kiya karte hai - MH
Chupke chupke GA

Bhupali
Duniya kisi ke pyaar main – MH
He Govind, He Gopal, He Dayaal Lal - JS
Tum naa maano magar PU

Bhupeshwari (Jansammohini)
Abke hum bichhde MH
Dard badhkar fugaan na ho jaye CS

Bihag
Wo dil nawaz hai magar MH (with bhinna shadaj)

Bilawal
Yu na mil mujhse khafa ho jaise MH
Wo ke har ahad-e-mohabbat se mukartaa jaaye MH

Charukeshi
Aisa lagta hai zindagi tum ho – CS
Patthar ke khuda - JS
Main khayaal hoon kisi aur ka - JS
Dukh ki laharne chheda hoga - GA

Des
Chadariya jhini re jhini - AJ

Darbari
Hangama hai kyon barpa – GA
Ku ba ku fail gayi MH
Denewale mujhe maujon ki rawani de de – JS
Sunate hain ke mil jaati hai - JS
Jay Radha madhav Jai kunjbihari - JS

Gara
Raghupati raghav raja ram - Bhajan
Thumak chalat ram chandra – Bhajan by Lata
Patta patta boota – MH

Goud
Bhooli bisri chand ummeeden (MH) with Saarang

Jansammohini
Chirag-e-toor jalao (MH)
Jheel main chaand (PU)

Jangla Bhairavi
Khuda kare ki mohabbat – MH

Jayjayvanti
Raghupati raghav raja rama – Bhajan
Dost bankar bhi nahin saath nibhanevala - GA

Jhinjhoti
Sata sata ke hame – MH
Gulon main rang bhare - MH
Tanha tanha mat sochakar - MH

Jog
ye mojazaa bhii muhabbat kabhii dikhaaye mujhe MH

Jogiya
Gazab kiya tere vaadepe – MH

Kaafi
Pyar bhare do MH
chamte chand ko – aawargi GA (with Asavari)
Rafta rafta MH
Kabhi guncha kabhi shola kabhi shabnam JS
Ye haqeeqat hai – CS

Kalawati
Dil men aur to kya rakha hai - GA

Khamaz
Janakinath sahay – Bhajan by Pulaskar
Mohabbat karnewale kam na hoge MH
fiqr hii Thaharii to dil ko fikr-e-Khubaa.N kyo.n na ho MH
Yu zindagi ki raah main MH

Kirwani
Shola tha jal bujha hun – MH
Para para hua pairahan-e-jaan – GA

Lalit
Koi paas aya savere - JS

Malkauns
Kya bhala mujhko parakhne ka nateeza nikla MH
E roshniyo ke shahar bata MH
Mana ke musht-e-khak se badhkar nahin hun main - JS

Marwa
Garmiye Hasrat-e-Nakamse (with Sohni/puriya)

Majh Khamaz
Dil main ek lahar GA

Mand
Naqsh-e-khayal MH
Hum hee main thee na koi baat - maand

Miya Ki Malhar
Ek bas tu hi nahi - MH

Mishra Goud
Aaye kuchh abra kuchh sharab – MH

Pahadi
Dilmen ek lahar si uthi hai abhi - GA
Payoji maine rama ratan dhan payo – Bhajan by Lata
Chalo man – Bhajan by Pulaskar
Baat karni mujhe mushkil – MH
Jawanike heele haya JS
Kaun kahata hai ki mohabbat JS
Suna tha ki wo aayenge anjuman main JS
Badal jayega CS
Jo thake thake se hausle MH

Patdeep
Roshan jamaal e yaar MH

Pilu
Aadmi aadmi ko kya JS
Kaise chhupaau raaz-e-gham MH
Guncha-e-shauq lagaa hai khilne MH

Puriya
Ya devi sarva bhuteshu – Pt Jasraj
Tere khamosh hothose – PU
Ye haqeeqat hai – CS
garmii-e-hasarat-e-naakaam se jal jaate hai.n MH (with marwa sohni)

Rageshri
Ye dhua kaha se – MH
Gulshan gulshan shola – MH
Mujhe tum nazar se - MH

Sarang
Nawajish karam shukriya – MH
Ye kaisi mohabbat – JS

Shivranjani
Jo bhi dukh yaad na tha, yaad aya GA
Teri mehfil se MH

Todi
Jagmen sunder hai do naam, chahe krishna kaho ya ram – AJ
Milkar juda huye JS (Gujari)

Yaman
Ranjish hi sahi, dil hi dukhane ke liye aa - MH
Shola hun bhadakne ki gujarish nahin karta - JS
Tum nahin, gam nahin, sharab nahin – JS
Jal bhi chuke parvane MH

Tweeting the World\'s Longest Poem

2009-08-21T21:53:00.000-04:00

Tweeting the World\'s Longest Poem

America is becoming Hindu, says Newsweek story

2009-08-21T11:29:00.002-04:00

http://www.newsweek.com/id/212155

"America is not a Christian nation. We are, it is true, a nation founded by Christians, and according to a 2008 survey, 76 percent of us continue to identify as Christian (still, that's the lowest percentage in American history). Of course, we are not a Hindu—or Muslim, or Jewish, or Wiccan—nation, either. A million-plus Hindus live in the United States, a fraction of the billion who live on Earth. But recent poll data show that conceptually, at least, we are slowly becoming more like Hindus and less like traditional Christians in the ways we think about God, our selves, each other, and eternity."

--

Hindi songs based on classical raga

2009-08-01T16:13:00.000-04:00

Raga: Abhogi Kanada
Jiya lage kya karu sajna
Na jaiyo re sautan ghar sainya

Raga: Adana
Manmohan man men ho tumhi - Kaise Kahoon
Jhanak jhanak payal baje - Jhanak Jhanak Payel Baje
Radhike toone bansari choorayee - Bhai Bhai

Raga: Ahir Bhairav
Puchho na kaise maine rain bitai - Meri Surat Teri Aankhen
Koi Lauta de mere – Door gagan ki chhaon main
Vandana karo, archana karo
Ramka gun gaan kariye - Ram Shyam Gun Gaan (Anon film album)
Meri bina tum bin roye - Dekh Kabir Roya
Main to kabse teri sharan men hun - Ram Nagari
Zindagi ko sanvarana hoga - Alaap
Sola barasaki bali umarko salam - Ek Duje Ke Liye
Mai ri mai, kaise jiyun ri - Chala Vahi Desh(non film album)
Apne jeevan ki uljhan ko - Uljhan
Man Anand Anand Chhayo - Vijeta
Waqt karta jo wafa aap hamare hote - Dilne Pukara
Ram teri ganga maili ho gayi... - Ram Teri Ganga Maili
Dhire Dhire Subah Hui He Jag Uthi Jindagi - Haisiyat
Meri galiyonse logonki yari badh gai - Dharmatma
Chalo man jayen ghar apne - Swami Vivekananda
Albela sajan aayo re - Hum Dil De Chuke Sanam
Ruke ruke se qadam – Mausam

Raga: (Alaiya) Bilawal
Jana gana mana - National Anthem
Bhor ayi, gaya andhiyara - Bawarchi
Sare ke sare ga ma ko lekar gate chale - Parichay
Patthar ke sanam
Barbade mohabbat - Laila Majnu
Likhkar tera naam – Laila Majnu

Raga: Asavari
Mujhe galese lagalo bahut udas hun main - Aaj aur Kaal
Piya te kaha - Toofan aur Diya
Chale jana nahin naina milake - Badi Bahen
Likhe jo khat – Kanyadaan
Radha ke to ne bansri churai Taala Sitarkhani Film: Beti Bete
Subah na aayi shaam na aayi – Cha Cha Cha

Raga: Bageshri
Aaye bahaar banke lubhakar chale gaye - Rajahath
Jag dard-e-ishq jag - Anarkali
Radha na bole na bole - Azad
Bedardi dagabaz ja tu nahin balma mora - Bluff Master
Bedardi hua balma
Ja re, beiman tujhe jan liya
Divane tum, divane hum
Shubh ghadi ai re
Chah barbad karegi - Shah Jahan
Jao jao nand ke lala - Rangoli
Chhalak rahi bunden
Aja re, paradesi - Madhumati
Ghadi Ghadi mera dil dhadke – Madhumati
Insaan ka insaan se ho bhaichaara yahi paigaam hamara
Hamse aya na gaya - Dekh Kabir Roya
Poochhta jaa mere marghatse guzarne waley - A Ghazal by Gulam Ali
Chaman men rang-e-bahar utara to maine dekha - A Ghazal by Gulam Ali
Seene main jalan - Gaman
Aapse kya gila – CS (with kaafi)

Raga: Bahar
Re re bahar ayi
Chham chham nachat ayi bahar - Chhaya
Sakal bana gagan chalat puravai - Mamta

Raga: Bairagi
Kisi nazar ko tera intazar aja bhi hai - Aitbaar
Mein ek raja hun - Upahaar

Raga: Barawa
Khai hai re humne kasam - Talash

Raga: Basant
Ketaki, gulab, juhi champaka bana phule - Basant Bahar

Raga: Basant-Bahar
Manki bin matavari baje - Shabaab

Raga: Bibhash
Sanjh dhale gagan tale hum kitane ekaki - Utsav
Neelam ke nabh chhayi - Utsav

Raga: Bhairav
Mohe bhul gaye sanvariya - Baiju Bawra
Sitaronki mahafil
Sun ri pavan, pavan puravaiya - Anuraag
Jaago, Mohan pyare jaago - Jaagte Raho

Raga: Bhairavi
Khilona jaankar - Khilona
Tu hindu banega na – Dhool ka phool
Babul mora, naihar chhooto hi jaaye - Street Singer
Sajna, sajna kahe bhul gaye din pyar ke - Chand Mere Aja
Insaf ka mandir hai, yeh bhagavan ka ghar hai - Amar
Kaise jaun jamunake tir - Devta
Laga chunari men dag - Dil Hi To Hai
Jyotse jyot jagate chalo - Sant Gyaneshwar
Jo bhaje hari ko sada - Bhajan
Tu gangaki mauj - Baiju Bawra
Nas nas men agan
Jab dil hi tut gaya - Shahjehan
Ai diwali, ai diwali - Rattan
Tumhare sang main bhi chalungi
Do hansonka joda bichhad gayo re - Ganga Jamuna
Mere pas ao, nazar to milao
Mai to pyarse teri piya mang sajaungi
Barasat men, hamse mile tum - Barsaat (old)
Dost dost na raha - Sangam
Bol radha bol sangam hoga ke nahin - Sangam
Mera juta hai japani - Shri 420
Ramiya vasta vaiya - Shri 420
Mohabbatki dastan
Suno chhotisi gudiya ki lambi kahani - Seema
Khamosh hai khevanahara mera - Amar
Mori chham chham baje payeliya
Mere ai dil bata - Jhanak Jhanak Payel Baje
Sanvare sanvare - Anuradha (Composed by Ravi Shankar)
Nache man mora magan dhik dha dhigi dhigi - Meri Surat Teri Aankhen
Apki yaad ati rahi, ratbhar - Gaman
Yaha barakha sautaniya ke dvar
Tera jana - Anadi
Tute na dil Tute na - Andaaz (Old)
Ai mere dil kahin aur chal - Daag
Mile sur tera hamara - Doordarshan Sangeet
Kaise samjhaun bade nasamajh ho - Sooraj
Chali gori pi ke milan ko chali
Bhor bhaye panghatpe - Satyam Shivam Sundaram
Jare, jare ud ja re panchhi - Maaya
Dilka khilona haye tut gaya - Goonj Uthi
Jay bolo beiman ki - Beiman
Tumhe aur kya dun main dil ke sivay - Ayee Milan ki Bela
Lage tose naina lage
Mein piya teri - Basant Bahar
Mithe bol bole - Kinara
Mitwa re mitwa purab na jaio - Jawab
Heer ( doli chadhke heer) - Heer Ranjha (old)
Phir kisi raah guzar par shayad - A Ghazal by Jagjit Singh
Meri tanhaiyon tum hi lagalo mujhko sinese - A Ghazal by Jagjit Singh
Yeh dil yeh paagal dil mera (awaargi) - A Ghazal by Gulam Ali
Beshaq mandir masjid todo - Bobby
Bhari duniya men akhir dil ko samajhane kahan jaayen - Do Badan
Hato kaheko juthi banao batiyaan - Manzil
Mata saraswati sharda vidya dayi dayani - Bhajan
Sunai deti hai jiski dhadkan (Zihaal-e-muskeen) - Ghulami
Jiya jale jaan jale nainon tale - Dil Se...
Baaki kuchh bacha to menhagai maar gayi - Roti Kapda aur Makaan
Phool gendava na maaro - Dooj Ka Chaand
Dhanya bhag seva ka avsar paaya - Sur Sangam
Kabhi neki bhi uske ji men gar aa jaye hai mujhse - A Ghazal by Gulam Ali
Mukund Madhav hari Hari bol
Mile jo kadi kadi, ek zanjeer bane - Kasme Wade
Hame tumse pyar kitana – Kudarat
Samjhauta ghamo se karlo - Samjhauta
O Nanhe se farishte - Ek Phool Do Maali
Hai isi main pyar ki - Anpadh
Hum hain mata e koocha e - Dastak
Mujhko is raatki tanhaayee main
Hai isi main pyar ki - Anpadh

Raga: Bhatiyar
Ek ritu aye ek ritu jaye

Raga: Bhimpalashri
Panthi hoon main us path kaa – Door ka rahi
Manbhora hua matavala
Duniyase ji ghabra gaya
Eri main to premdivani - Navbahar
Bansuri bajaye koi
Maine chand aur sitaronki - Chandrakantaa
Ye na thi hamri kismat - Mirza Ghalib
Mein garibonka dil hun vatanki zuban
O nirdayi pritam - Stree (1961)
Bhulya na gaya
Dilke tukade hue aur jigar lut gaya
More manka bavara panchhi
Tum suno suno ghanashyam
Dilmen tuze bithake puja karungi teri - Fakira
Nainon main badra chhaye - Mera Saaya
Tere sadpe balma
Bina madhur madhur kachhu bol
Jhanakar payalaki tose binati kare - Naag Devata
Kahan chali a, mera lutake jiya
Ja dur kahin
Ham giridharake ghar jaun - Meera Bhajan
Samay dire chalo - Rudaali
Zindagimen to sabhi pyar kiya karte hai - A Ghazal by Mehdi Hassan
Om nao Bhagavate Vasudevay - A bhajan by Pandit Jasra
Kismat Se Tum Ham Ko Mile Ho - Pukar
Ae Ajnabi Tu Bhii Kahiin Aawaz De Kahiin Se - Dil Se...
Khiltey Hain Gul Yaha - Sharmilee
O beqarar dil - Khamoshi
Kuch dil ne kaha - Anupama
Tum mile dil khile - Criminal
Naghma-o-sher ki saughaat - Ghazal
Yeh aaine se akele men guftagu kya hai - A ghazal from Hariharan's album 'Kaash'
Hai chaand sitaaron men chamak tere badan ki - A ghazal by Ahmed Hussain -mohmad Hussain
beena madhur madhur kuch bol Singer: Lata

Raga: Bhupali
Luka chhupi – Rang De Basanti
Beete huye lamho ke kasak - Nikaha
Chanda hai tu, mera suraj hai tu - Aradhana
Sayonara, sayonara - Love in Tokyo
Pankh hote to ud ati re - Sehraa
Jyoti kalash chhalake - Bhabhi Ki Chudiyan
Jab nil gagan ki chhaonmen - Amrapali
Achyutam keshavam ram narayanam
Panchhi banu udti firun mast gagan men - Chori Chori
Sanvare rang rachi - Meera Bhajan
Dekha ek khvab to yeh silsile hue - Silsila
In ankhonki mastike mastane hazaron hai - Umrao Jaan
Mana ke musht-e-khak se badhkar nahin hun main - A Ghazal by Jagjit Singh
Jaun tore charan kamal par vari - Sur Sangam
Yeh hava...yeh phiza...aa bhi jaa - Gumraah
Om namah shivay - Bhairavi
Dil hun hun kare - Rudaali
Sansaarki har shay ka - Dhoond
He Govind, He Gopal, He Dayaal Lal - Bhajan by Jagjeet Singh
Ham tum se na kuchh kah paaye, tum ham se na kuchh kah paaaye – Ziddi
Falsafa pyar ka - Duniya

Raga: Bhupali Todi
O, zindagi ke denevale - Nagin

Raga: Bihag
Koi gata, main so jata - Alaap
Banke chakori gori, jhum jhum nachegi
Tere sur aur mere geet - Goonj Uthi Shahanai
Tere pyar men dildar - Mere Mehboob
Bole re surili boliyan - Grih Pravesh
Tum murli madhur bajao
Ai dil beqarar jhum - Shah Jahan
Hamare dilse na jana, dhokha na khana - Udan Khatola
Chalenge tir jab dil par - Kohinoor
Zindagi ke safar men gujar jate hain jo makam - Aap Ki Kasam
Pal bhar ki pahechan aapse - A non-film song by Manna Day
Yeh kya jagah hai doston - Umrao Jaan
Meri ladli re, meri ladli - Andaaz(old)

Raga: Bilaskhani Todi
Jhoothay naina bolay - Lekin
Diya na bujhegi, aaj hamara

Raga: Basant Mukhari
O basanti pavan pagal - Jis Desh Me Ganga Behti Hai
Vada kar le sajna - Haathki Safai

Raga: Chandrakaush
Tu hi tu main seva karu
San sanna sanna sanna, jao re o pavan
Majhi re himmat na har

Raga: Chayanat
Chanda re, ja re ja re - Ziddi
Ham bekhudi men tumko pukare chale gaye - Kaala Paani
Tere naina talash kare jise – Talaash (Mishra Khamaj ?)
Baad muddat ki yeh ghadi ayi - Jahan Ara
Chaina nahin aye, kahan dil jaye - Samundar
Zan Zan Zan Zan payal baje

Raga: Charukeshi
Bainya na dharo - Dastak (old)
Aaj dilpe koi jor chalta nahin - Milan
Kabhi raat din hum dur the - Aamne Saamne
Mohabbatke suhane din, javani ki hansi raaten
Ek tu na mila - Himalay ki Godmen
Akele hain chale ao - Raaz
Bekhudimen sanam
Kisi rahamen kisi modpar - Mere Hamsafar
Dukh ki laharne cheda hoga - A Ghazal by Ghulam Ali
Shyam teri bansi pukare radha naam - Geet Gata Chal
Chhod de sari duniya kisike liye - Saraswati Chandra
Megha re Megha re... - Pyaasa Saawan
Aisa lagta hai zindagi tum ho - A Ghazal by Chitra Singh
Patthar ke khuda - JS
Main khayaal hoon kisi aur ka - JS
Teri ummid tera intzaar karte hai - Diwanaa
Jaan-e-jaana...Jab jab teri surat dekhun – JaanBaaz
Mujhe ishq hai tujhi se

Raga: Darbari
Ye Hawaa Ye Raat Ye Chaandni - Sangdil
Dil jalta hai to jalne de - Pahli Nazar
Hum tumse muhabbat karake sanam - Aawara
O duniyake rakhavale - Baiju Bawra
Meri duniya badal gayi
Kabhi dil dilse takarata to hoga
Tumse ghar ghar kahalaya
Mitava laut ayo re
Tu pyarka sagar hai - Seema
Tuthe hue khvabonne - Madhumati
Basti basti parabat parabat - Baadal
Mujhe tumse kuch bhi na chahie - Kanhaiya
Muhabbat ki jhuthi kahani pe roye - Mugal-e-azam
He ram tumhari ramyan - Sampurna Ramayan
Pyarki aagmen tanbadan - Ziddi
Tora man darpan kahalay - Kaajal
Daiya re daiya laj mohe lage - Leader
Guzre hai aaj ishqmen - Dil Diya Dard Liya
Raha gardishonmen haradam - Do Badan
Jhanak jhanak tori baje payeliya - Mere Huzur
Chandiki divar na todi - Vishvaas
Ab kahan jayen ham - Ujala
Sarfaroshi ki tammana - Shaheed
E dil mujhe aisi jagah le chal - Arzoo (old)
Teri duniya mein dil lagta nahin - Baware Nain
Mere mehboob shayad aaj kuchh - Kitne Paas Kitne Door
Ghoonghat ke pat khol re - Jogan
Dekha hai pehli baar - Saajan
Tumhe zindagi ke ujale mubarak - Poornima
Ishwar satya hai - Satyam Shivam Sundaram
Kitna hasin hai mausam - Azad
Hum tum se juda ho ke - Ek Sapera Ek Lutera
Ab meri vinti suno bhagwaan
Aap ki nazaron ne samajha - Anpadh
Hangama hai kyon barpa - A Ghazal by Ghulam Ali
Ud ja bhanwar maya kamal ka - Rani Roopmati
Koi matwala ayaa more dware - Love In Tokyo
Pag ghoongroo bandh meera naachi thi - Namak Halal
Yaad mein teri jaag jaag ke hum - Mere Mehboob
Agar mujhse muhobbat hai, mujhe sab apne gam de do
Dene wale mujhe maujon ki rawani de de - A Ghazal By Jagjit Singh
Mein tere darpe ayaa hun, kuchh karke jaunga - Laila Majnu
Sanvare mat ja
Nainheenko raah dikha prabhu - Bhakta Surdaas
Suhani chaandni raaten hamen sone nahi deti - Mukti
Mere mehboob na jaa, aaj ki raat na jaa - Noor Mahal
Shayerana se hai zindagi ke adaa - Phir Teri Kahani Yaad Aye
Jay Radha madhav Jai kunjbihari - Bhajan by Jagjit Singh
Bahon Ke Darmiyan Film Khamoshi
Ku-ba-ku fail gai baat shanaasai ki Mehdi Hassan
Daiya re daiya, laaj mohe lage Taal Kehrva Film: Leader
Dil jalta hai to jalne de Taal Kehrva Film Pehli Nazar
Jo chala gia use bhool ja Film Saathi
Chandi ki dewar na tori Film Vishwas
Suhani chandni ratein hame sone Film Mukti

Raga: Desh
Dukhke din ab bitat nahi
Gori tore naina kajar bin kare kare - Main Suhagan Hun
Apko pyar chupaneki buri adat hai - Neela Akash
Takdir ka fasaana - Sehra
Eri ayi barakha ritu
Chali re chali re mai to des paraye
Aji ruthhkar ab kahan jaiega - Aarzu
Vande mataramh - Anand Math
Phir kahin koi phul khila - Anubhav
Bekasi hadse jab guzar jaye - Kalpana
Chadariya jhini re jhini - A Kabir bhajan by Anup Jalota
Door Koi Gaaye - Baiju Bawra
Kyun Naye Lag Rahe - 1942, A Love Story
Sainya jao mose na bolo kahe ko neha lagaye - Jhanak Jhanak Paayal Baaje

Raga: Desi
Aaj gaavat man mero jhumke - Baiju Bawra

Raga: Devagandhar
Jhule na jhul
Jab dilko satae gam

Raga: Durga
Geet gaya pattharonne - Geet Gaya Pattharonne
Chanda re mori patiya le ja - Miss Mary

Raga: Dhani
Prabhu tero nam - Hum Dono
Badan pe sitare - Prince

Raga: Gara
Mohe panghatpe nandalal ched gayo re - Mugal e Azam
Unke khayal aye to ate chale gaye - Laal Pathhar
Tere mere sapne ab ek rang hain - Guide
Jivanmen piya tera sath rahe - Gunj Uthi Shehnai
Raghupati raghav raja ram - Bhajan
Thumak chalat ram chandra - Bhajan
Aise to na dekho - Teen Deviyan
Hamsafar saath apna chhod chale
Diwana kahke aaj mujhe phir pukariye - Muzlim
Kabhi khud pe kabhi haalaath pe ronaa aayaa - Hum Dono
Aap aaye toh khayale – Gumrah
Khuda bhi aasmaan se jab
Raga: Gour Malhar
Garajat barsat savan ayo re - Barsaat Ki Raat (old)
Sharabi sharabi ye savanka mausam
Jhir jhir barase savani ratiyan - Ashirvad
Raga: Gour Sarang
Allah tero naam - Hum Dono

Raga: Gurjari Todi
Sanvaro nand-nandana - Chala Vahi Desh (A non film album)
Ek tha bachapan - Aashirwad
Jaa-jaa re ai pathikwa - Lekin

Raga: Hamir/Hamvir
Surki gati main kya janun
Madhuban men radhika nache re - Kohinoor

Raga: Hamir/Hamvir Kalyani
Jao Re Jogi Tum Jao Re - Amrapali

Raga: Hangshadhwani
Ja tose nahin bolun kanhaiya - Parivaar
Ranga de de madhubanaki hiraniya
Santo karamki gati nyari - Chala Vahi Desh (album)

Raga: Hemant
Sudh bisar gai aja
Yad piyaki aye - A Thumri by Ustaad Bade Ghulam Ali Khan
Balma anadi man bhaye - Bahurani
Tumbin jeevan kaise - by Manna Dey
Udajare ja re kaga - Meera bhajan by Lata Mangeshkar

Raga: Jaijaiwanti
Manmohana bade jhuthe - Seema
Bairan ho gai raina - Dekh Kabir Roya
Zindagi aaj mere namse sharamati hai
Yeh dilki lagi kam kya hogi - Mugal e Azam
Dost bankar bhi nahin saath nibhanevala - A Ghazal by Ghulam Ali
Suni suni saans kay sitaar par - Lal Patthar
Thumak chalat Ramchandra, baajat paijaniya – Bhajan

Raga: Jhinjhoti
Badli badli duniya hai meri
Chhup gaya koi re durase pukarake - Champakali
Mere maheboob tujhe meri muhabbatki qasam - Mere Mehboob
Jaun kahan bata e dil - Chhoti Bahen
Tum mujhe yun bhula na pao ge - Pagla Kahin Ka
Teri ankhoke siva duniyamen - Chirag
Main to sare bandhan tod chali
Ghungharuki taraha, bajtahi raha hun main - Chor Machaye Shor
Chita nandan aage nachungi
Mose chal kiye jaye hai re hai hai dekho saiyan beiman - Guide
Ja ja re ja, balmava - Basant Bahar
Koi hamdam na raha, koi sahara na raha - Jhumroo

Raga: Jogakauns
Baje re payela baje

Raga: Jogiya
He natraja gangadhar shambho
Piya bina suna gita
Raatbharka hai maheman andhera - Sone Ki Chidiya
Dil ek mandir hai - Dil Ek Mandir
Keh Do Koi Na Kare Yahan Pyaar - Goonj Uthi Shehnaai
Gazab kiya tere vaade pe - MH

Raga: Jaunpuri
Vo duniyako yad rahega
Dil ched koi aisa nagma
Piya te kahan gayo
Ghunghatke pat khol(Kabir Bhajan) - Jogan
Meri yad men tum na ansu bahana - Madhosh
Jaye to jayen kahan samjhe ga kaun yahan - Taxi Driver
Jaba dilko sataye gam tu uuu ched sakhi sargam - Sargam (Old)
1. Jaye to jayen kahan samjhe ga kaun yahan Taal kehrva Film Taxi Driver
2. Meri yadmen tum na ansu bahana Taal kehrva Film Madhosh Listen Midi
3. Vo duniyako yad rahega
4. Dil ched koi aisa nagma Taal kehrva Film Inspector
5. Ghunghatke pat khol (Kabir Bhajan) Taal kehrva Film Jogan
7. Muhabbat ki jhoothi kahani pe roye Taal kehrva Film: Mughal-E-Azam
8. Jab dilko sataye gam tu uuu ched sakhi sargam - Sargam (Old)

Raga: Kafi
Kase kahun manki bata
Balma aan baso more manmen
Ishqki garmie jajabta kise pesha karun
Kali ghodi dwar khadi - Chashm-e-Bud-Dur
Tum nahin, gam nahin, sharab nahin - A Ghazal by Jagjit Singh
Gaironpe karam apnonpe sitam - Aankhen
Biraj me holi khelat nand lal - Godaan
Ye haqeeqat hai – CS

Raga: Kalavati
Hay re vo din kyun na aye - Anuradha
Kahe tarasae jiyara - Chitralekha
A ja re mere pyarke sahi
Koi sagar dilko bahalata nahin - Dil Diya Dard Liya
Kabhi to miloge jivansathi
O ghath savari thodi thodi bavari
Sanam tu bevafake namse - Khilona
Subah aur sham kamhi kam - Uljhan
Dil men aur to kya rakha hai - A Ghazal by Ghulam Ali
Maika piya bulave - Sur Sangam
Hai agar dushman zamana - Hum Kisise Kum Nahin
Bhajan bina chain naa aye ram - Rafoochakkar
Meri Awaaz suno - Naunihal

Raga: Kalyan
Do naina matavale tihare - Choti Bahan
Janevalese mulakat na hone payi - Amar
Ansu bhari hai ye jivanki rahe - Parvarish
Ye chaman hamra apna hai
Jiya le gayo ji mora savariya - Anpadh
Ja re badra bairi ja - Bahana
Chhodo chhodo chhodo mori bahiya
Bhuli hui yadon - Sanjog
Mausam hai ashikana - Pakeezah
Inhi logone le lina dupatta mera - Pakeezah
Kenu sang khelun hori - Chala vahi desh ( non filmi album)
Jab dip jale ana - Chit Chor
Woh sham kuchh ajib thi - Khamoshi (old)
Chandansa badan chanchal chitavan - Saraswati Chandra
Re man surmen ga
Jay jay he jagadambe mata
Jivan dor tumhi sang bandhi - Satyavaan Savitri
Apke anurodhpe main ye geet - Anurodh
Ranjish hi sahi, dil hi dukhane ke liye aa - A Ghazal by Mehdi Hasan
Dil jo na kahe saka - Bhigi Raat
Shola hun bhadakne ki gujarish nahin karta - A Ghazal by Jagjit Singh
Suni jo unke aane ki aahat - Satyam Shivam Sundaram
Woh haske mile humse - Baharen Phir Bhi Aayegi
Bada dukh dina tere lakhanne - Ram Lakhan
Yaad rahega, pyarka yeh rangin zamanaa yaad rahega - Umar Qaid
Sochte aur jaagte sansonka ek dariyaa hun mein - A Ghazal by Gulam Ali
Meri duniyamen tum aaye - Heer Ranjha
Koi jo mila tha mujhe "Breathless" - Breathless
Main kya janun kya jadu hai
Sinemen sulaghate hai arman - Sangdil
Lagta nahin hai dil mera - Laal Quila
Man re tu kahe na dhir dhare - Chitralekha
Panv padun tore shyam - Tere bharose Nandalal (A non film Album)
Dhadkate dilka payam le lo
Pritam aan milo
Saranga teri yaadmen - Saaranga
Phir na kije meri gustakh...Dekhiye apne phir pyarse - Phir Subah Hogi
Tum mujhe bhul bhi jao - Didi
Bade bhole ho
Nigahen milaneko ji chahata hai - Dil Hi To Hai
Zindagi-bhar nahin bhulegi - Barsaat Ki Raat (old)
Sansarse bhage phirte ho - Chitralekha
Tum agar mujhko - Dil Hi To Hai
Tum bin jivan kaise bita - Anita
Intazaar aur abhi
Abhi na jao chhodkar - Hum Dono
Ansu samjhke kyun mujhe - Chhaaya
Chhupa lo yun dil men pyar mera - Mamta
Woh jab yaad aye bahut yaad aye - Parasmani
Tum gaganke chandrama - Sati Savitri
Jara si ahat hoti hai...kahin yeh woh to nahin - Haqueeqat
Dil e betabko sinese - Palaki
Dil diya dard liya - Dil Diya Dard Liya
Tere huns ki kya tariph karun - Leader
Biti na bitai raina - Parichay
Savereka suraj tumhare liye - Ek Baar Muskuraa Do
Ang ang rang jhalakae - Sankalp
Is modse jate hai - Aandhi
Ehasaan tera hoga mujhapar - Junglee
Roj roj dalidali kya likh jaye - Angoor
Lau laga ke geet gaa ke - Bhabi Ki Chudiyan
Shreeramchandra kripalu bhajamana
Sine men sulagte hain arman -- Tarana
Saptasurana teen gram - Tansen
Mere hamsafar mere hamsafar mere paas aa mere paas aa - Refugee
Ghar se nikalte hi - Papa Kehte Hain.
Pyar mein hota hai kya jadoo - Papa Kehte Hain.
Aapke anurodh pe - Anurodh
Aaye ho meri zindagi me - Raja Hindusthaani
Sochenge tumhe pyaar kare ki nahi - Deewana
Navkalpana (Rafi) – Mrig Trishna (1975)

Raga: Khamaj
Ab kya misal dun
Kya se kya ho gaya – guide
Din dhal jaye
Naina lad jayee hain – ganga jamuna
Vo na aenge palatkar - Devdaas
A dilse dil mila le - Navrang
Chunariya katati jae
O sajna, barkha bahara ayi - Parakh
Dhal chuki shame Gam - Kohinoor
Sham dhale jamuna kinare - Pushpanjali
Ang ang dole mera
Ayo kahanse ghanashyam - Buddha Mil Gaya
Bada natkhat hai...ka kare yashoda maiya - Amar Prem
Khat likha de savariyake nam babu
Bata do sakhi kaun gali gayo shyam
Mere to giridharagopala - Meera
Tere bina sajna lage na jiya hamar - Aarti
Vaishnav jan to - Narsinh Bhajan
Nazar lagi raja tore bungle par - Kaala Pani
Kuch to log kahenge - Amar Prem
Chain se humko kabhi
O Milan – Tohfa
Akhiyo ko – Bobby
Mora Gora Ang – Bandini
Ek Chatur Naar – Padosan
Aayo kahaan se Ghanshyam – Buddha Mil Gaya

Raga: Kamod
Eri jane na dungi - Chitralekha
Jao re jogi tum jao re - Amrapali
Tumko dekha to ye khayal aya - Saath Saath

Raga: Kedar
Bekaspe karam kijie - Mugal e Azam
Darashan do ghanashyam
Kanha ja ja
Mil ja mil ja janena
Hamko manki shakti dena - Guddi
Bole to basuri kahi - Saawan Ko Aane Do
Panchhi bawra chhand se prit lagaye
Aap yun hi agar humse milte rahe dekhiye ek din pyaar ho jaayega - Ek Musafir Ek Hasina
Pal do pal ka saath hamara - The Burning Train
Aapki ankhonmen kucch - Ghar
Uthaye ja unke sitam - Andaaz(old)r
Raga: Kaushik Kanada
Sau bar janam lenge - Ustaadon Ke Ustaad
Ab to madhava mohe ubar
Mai jajyo na prabhuko milna kab

Raga: Kirwani
Mera dil ye pukare a ja – Nagin
Jo Tum Todo Piya – Silsila
Tumhi mere mit ho
Yad na jaye bite dinonki - Dil Ek Mandir
Meri bhigi-bhigisi palakonpe - Anamika
Ye raten ye mausam nadika kinara - Delhi Ka Thug
Nind na mujhako ae - Post box No. 999
Pukarta chala hun main - Mere Sanam
Geet gata hun mai - Laal Pathhar
Mai pyarka rahi hun - Ek Musafir Ek Hasina
Aayi jhum jhum raat ye suhani - Love Marriage
Ankhonse hai utari ye dilmen - Phir Wohi Dil Laaya Hoon
Anevala pal janevala hai - Gol Maal
Shola tha jal bujha hun - A Ghazal by Mehdi Hassan
Beqaraar dil tu gayeja - Dur Ka Raahi
Ek radha ek meera - Ram Teri Ganga Maili
Para para hua pairahan-e-jaan - A Ghazal by Gulam Ali
E hush-e-beparvah tujhe shabnam kahun, shola kahun - A Ghazal by Gulam Ali
Be-sabab baat badhaneki zaroorat kya hai - Ghazals from Jagjit Singh's 'Face to Face'
Mera dil yeh pukare aaja - Nagin (old)
Rim jhim gire sawan sulag sulag jaye man…(Manzil)

Raga: Lalit
Pritam daras dikhao - Chacha Zindabad
Tu hai mera prem devta - Kalpana
Ik shahenshahne banvake hansi - Leader
Koi paas aya savere savere - A Ghazal by Jagjit Singh
Tu nahin to mere liye - Tum Yaad Aaye
Raina biti jaye - Amar Prem
Raga: Madhuvanti
Rasme ulfatako nibhae to nibhae kaise - Dilki Rahen
Ko birahini ko dukh jane - Chala Vahi Desh

Raga: Madhumadhavi Sarang
A lautke aja mere meet - Rani Roopmati

Raga: Manj Khamaj
Kaanha kanha aan padi re tere dwar - Aman
Jane kaise sapano me kho gai ankhiyan - Anuradha
Kaise dina bite kaise biti ratiyan piya jane na - Anuradha
Dil main ek lahar see uthi – Ghulam Ali
Shyamal Shyamal Baran Komal Komal Charan – Navrang

Raga: Malkauns
Man tarapat hari darshanko - Baiju Bawra
Adha hai chandrama rat adhi - Navrang
Tu chhupi hai kahan - Navrang
Ye kahani hai diyeki aur tufanaki - Tufan aur Diya
O pavanvegase udanevale ghode - Jai Chaittaur
Zindagibhara Gam judaika mujhe
Ankhiyana sang ankhiya lagi aaj - Bada Aadami
Balma manena
Paga ghungharu bole chananana chanh
Savanki rat kari kari
Mujhe na bula - Suvarna Sundari
Ai man tere bachche kai karoda
Saghan ban phulyo re - A bhajan by Pandit Jasraj
Dip jalaye jo ggton ke maine - Kalakaar
Aaye sur ke panchhi aaye - Sur Sangam
E Roshniyo ke shahar bata – mehdi hassan

Raga: Malagunji
Nainaso nain nahi milo - Jhanak Jhanak Payel Baaje
Ghar a ja ghir aye badra - Chhote Nawab
Unko yeh shikayat hai - Adaalat (old)
Na jiya lage na - Anand

Raga: Mand
Tu chanda main chandani - Reshma aur Shera
Kesariya Balma - Lekin
Suniyo Jee Araj – Lekin
Ab to hai tumse har khushi apni - Abhimaan
Piya piya bole mora kangana - Swarg Nark
Bachpan ki mohabbat ko - Baiju Baawara
Jo me jaanthi bisarat - Shabaab
Dheemo re chale re vaayariyo - Sultan Khan / Chitra's album Piya Basanti
Thade Rahiyo - Pakiza

Raga: Maru Bihag
Payelavali dekha na
Tum to pyar ho sajna - Sehra
Matavali nar thumak thumak
Radha jaye na
Jamunaa kinare aaja chaliya pukare aaja raadha jaye naa - Mehbooba

Raga: Marwa
Payeliya bavari - Saaz aur Aawaz

Raga: Megh Malhar
Ghata ghana ghora ghora - Tansen
Ghanana ghanana ghana baraso
Dukhabhare din bite re bhaiya - Mother India
Kare kare badra
Tan rangalo ji aaj man ranga lo baraso re - Tansen
Raga: Megh
Mahefil men baar baar kisi par nazar gai - A Ghazal by Gulam Ali.
Konpalen phir fut ayi - A Ghazal by Mehdi Hassan
Kahan se aye badra - Chashm-e-Bud-Dur

Raga: Miyan Ki Malhar
Lapak Jhapak – Boot Polish
Karo sab nichhavar
Nach mere mora jara nach
Bhaye Bhanjana...darasa tere mange main tera pujari - Basant Bahar
Nacha re mayura
Mammadshaha rangile
Bole re papihara - Guddi
Ek bas tu hi nahin - A Ghazal by Mehdi Hassan
Baadal umad bhar aaye - Saaz

Raga: Miya ki Todi
Bhini bhini bhor aayi - Asha Bhosle's Album 'Dil Padosi Hai'
Jhoothey Naina Bole - Lekin

Raga: Mohanam (Carnatic)
Jyoti Kalas Jalke - Bhabhi Ki Chudiyaan

Raga: Multani
Daya karo e giridhar-gopala

Raga: Nand/Anadi Kalyan
Tu jahan jahan chalega - Mera Saya

Raga: Naya ki Kanada
Chala diye deke gam

Raga: Pahadi
Sunri sakhi mohe sajna bulae - Nagin
Javan hai muhabbat- Anmol Ghadi
Tere nainonne chori kiya - Anmal Ghadi
Mere ankhomen bas gaya koi re - Barsaat (old)
Suhani rat dhal chuki - Dulari
O durke musaphir hamko bhi sath le le - Udan Khatola
Tasvir banata hun tasvir nahin banati - Baradari
Sun more sajna
Mushkil hai bahut mushkil - Mahal
Sajan ki galiyan chod chale - Baazar
Mohe jana hai pike nagariya
Mori atariyape kagan bole
Hai balma teri kasam
Aajki rat piya dil na todo
Prit ye kaisi bol duniya - Daag(old)
Mora nadan balma
Gaya andhera hua ujala - Subah Ka Tara
Sham dhale khidaki tale - Albala
Are ja re hato natakhat - Navrang
Tum mere mai teri
Sare jahanse achcha - Apna Ghar
Chal ud ja re panchi - Bhabhi
Tum ho jo mere hamsaphar
Vrindavanka krishna kanhaiya - Miss Mary
Tasvir banata hun teri khuna jigarase
Do sitaronka jamin par hai milan - Kohinoor
Koi pyaraki dekhe jadugari - Kohinoor
Dil todanevale
Apna bhi koi sathi hota
Tere bharose he nandalala - Title song - non film Album
Jo vada kiya vo - Taj Mahal
Jane kya dhundti rahati hain
Tum apna ranj o gam, apni pareshani mujhe de do
Parbatonke pedon para shamka basera
Savanke jhule pade - Jurmana
Nainka chain churakar le gayi - Chandramukhi
Sakhi ri mera man umade tana dole - Nagin
Ham aaj dil jalae
Do dil dhadak rahen hain aur avaj eka hai
Vo dil kahanse laun
Aaja raja leke barat aaja
Sab kuchh lutake hoshamen ae ro
Chaudavika chand ho - Chaudavika Chand
Ye vadiyan phijae bula rahi - Aaj aur Kal
Tujhko pukare mera pyar - Neel Kamal
Mujhe tumse muhabbat hai magar
Jara sun hasina ye sajni
Aja re tujhko mera pyar pukare - Waqt
Din hai baharke tere mere - Waqt
Kaun aya hai nigahonmen chamak jag uthi - Waqt
Ham jab simatake aapki bahonmen - Waqt
Maine dekha hai phulonse ladi shakhonmen
Age bhi jane na tu - Waqt
Nile parabtonki dhara - Aadmi aur Insaan
Yara dildara mera dil kahata - Aadmi aur Insaan
Salamat raho
Awaz mein na dunga...chahunga main tujhe sanjh savere - Dosti
Janevalo jara mudke dekho mujhe - Dosti
Gudiya hamse ruthi rahogi - Dosti
Lag ja gale ke phir ye hansi rat - Woh kaun thi
Baharonki manjhil rahe
Rahe na rahe ham maheka karenge - Mamta
Thukade hai mere dilke
Hamne to dilko apke kadmonpe
Usko nahin dekha hamne kabhi - Dadi Maa
Savanka mahina pavan kare sor - Milan
Aajki rat mere dilki salami - Raam Aur Shyam
Ratka samne jhume chandrama
Vahan kaun hai tera musaphir - Guide
Dil pukare a re a re - Jewel Thief
Rulake gaya sapna mera - Jewel Thief
Phulonke rangse - Prem Pujari
Jane na balma pritaki kasam
Tora man bada papi sanvariya re - Ganga Jamuna
Baharon mera jivan bhi sanvaro - Aakhiri Khat
Do dil tute do dil hare - Heer Ranjha (old)
Chalo dildar chalo - Pakeezah
Ye dil aur unki - Prem Parbat
Aaja re, aaja re o mere dilvar aaja - Noori
Kabhi kabhi mere dilmen - Kabhi Kabhi
Karavate badlate rahe sari raat ham - Aap ki Kasam
Chori chori koi ae - Noori
Sainya bina ghar suna - Lahu Ke Do Rang
Dilmen ek lahar si uthi hai abhi" - A Gulam Ali Ghazal
Kahe sataye kaheko rulaye - Quyamat Se Quyamat Tak
Hushn pahadonka - Ram Teri Ganga Maili
Kaise jiyunga main agar tu na mili - Sahibaan
Tod diya dil mera tune ai bewafa - Dulari
Isharon isharon mein dil lenewale - Kashmir Ki Kali
Neela aasman so gayaa - Silsila
Aapko dekhke baadalko pasinaa aa gayaa - Hum Aapke Dilmen Rahte Hai
Baharon Mera Jivan Savaron
Payo ji maine Ram ratan dhan payo
Sab kuch lutake hosh men aaye to kya kiya - Ek saal
Meri ankhon me basagaya koi re mohe ninda aye - Barsaat (old)
Aaj mausam bada - Loafer

Raga: Palasi
Gori tera gaanv bada pyara - Chit Chor
Hamari yad aayegi, kabhi tanhaiyon men -- Hamari Yaad Aaegi

Raga: Patdeep
Saaz ho tum awaz hun main - Saaz aur Awaz
Megha chhaye adhi rat - Sharmilee

Raga: Pilu
Ajahun na aye balma - Sanjh Aur Savera
Jhulemen pavanki ayi bahar - Baiju Bawra
More sainya ji utarenge paar nadiya dhire baho - Uran Khatola
Chandanka palna reshamki dori - Shabab
Dheere se aaja ri akhiyan mein nindiya - Albela
Apni kaho kuchh meri suno...Kya dilka lagana bhul gaye
Naina divani kuchh nahin mane
Badi der bhai kab loge khabar
Abke baras bite
Na manu na manu...dagabjaaz tori batiya na manu re - Ganga Jamuna
Hai Hai rasiya tu bada bedardi
Sainya tore dvare khade
Vapha jinse ki bevapha ho gae
Na jhatako julphse pani
E meri joharajabi - Waqt
Banwari Re Jeene Ka Sahara - Ek Phool Char Kante
Jaiye aap kahan jayenge - Mere Sanam
Dhoondho dhoondho re saajna - Ganga Jamuna
Allah megh de pani de - Guide
Kali ghata chhaye mora jiya ghabraye - Sujata
Piya piya na lage mora jiya
Main soya akhian meeche
Kabhi aar kabhi paar - Aar Paar
Tere bin soone nayan hamare - Meri Soorat Teri Aankhein
Pi ke ghar aaj pyari dulhaniya chali babul - Mother India
Vikal mora manva - Mamta
Maine shayad tumhe pahle - Barsaat Ki Raat (old)
Nadiya kinare harayee aayee kangna - Abhiman
Ab ke baras bhejo bhaiya ko babul - Bandini
Baharon ne mera chaman loot kar - Devar
Kaun gali gaye shyam - Pakeezah
Tu jo mere sur men - Chitchor
Na jao saiyan chhuda ke baiyan - Sahib Bibi Aur Ghulam
Din sara guzara tore angana - Junglee
Dhadakate dil ki tamanna - Shama
Sur na saje - Basant Bahar
Chura liya hai tumne jo dil ko - Yaadon Ki Baraat
De de pyar de - Sharabi
Sach kehti hai duniya - Ishq Pe Jor Nahin
Maine rang li aaj chunariya sajana tore rang me - Dulhan Ek Raat Ki
Mainu ishq lag gaya rog - Dil Hai Ke Maanta Nahin
Surmayi akhiyonmen nanha munna ek sapna de jaa re - Sadma
Apni kaho kuch meri suno - Parchhain
Murali bairan bhayi re kanhaiya tori - New Dilli
Ajahun na aye balama - Sawan Beeta Jaye
Chaahat des se aane waale yeh to bataa ke sanam kaise hain - A ghazal by Pankaj Udhas
Saari saari raat teri yaad sataye – Aji Bas Shukriya

Raga: Puria Dhaneshri
Meri sanson ko jo mehaka rahi hai - Badalte Rishtey
Rang aur nur ki baraat kise pesh karun - Ghazal
Rut aa gayi re, rut chha gayi re - 1947-Earth
Hai rama yeh kya hua – Rangeela
Tumne kya kya kiya hai hamare liye - Prem Geet
Kitane dino ke baad ye aai sajana rat milan ki
Ruk jao banavasi ram - Sampurna Ramayan
Tori jay jay karatara
Koyaliya ud ja yahan nahi koya
Labon se chumlo, aankhon se thaamlo mujh ko - Aastha
Ya devi sarva bhuteshu – Pt Jasraj
Tere khamosh hothose – Anuradha Paudwal, Pankaj Udhas
Aake teri banho main – vansh
Honth saagar hai aankh paimane – ghulam ali

Raga: Rageshri
Muhabbat aisi dhadkan hai - Anarkali
Shubhadina ayo rajadulara
Mere sang ga gunguna - Janwar
Kaun aya mere manke dvare - Dekh Kabir Roya
Mitava bole mithe bain – Parichay
Ye kya hua – Amar Prem

Raga: Sarang
Savan aye ya na aye - Dil Diya Dard Liya
Aja bhanvara suni dagar
Aa laut ke aaja mere meet - Rani Roopmati
Dair-o-harammen basne waalon - Ghazal from Jagjit Singh's album 'Face to Face'
Saawan rut aaye dekho balam - Sultan Khan / Chitra's album Piya Basanti

Raga: Sudh Kalyan
Rasik balma - Chori Chori (Bhupali)
Ye shamki tanahaiyan
Chand phir nikala - Paying Guest
Meri muhabbat javan rahegi - Jaanvar
Jahaan daal daal par sone ki cheediyaan - Sikandar-e-Azam

Raga: Sudh Sarang
O savare aja pyar liye

Raga: Shankara
Rumajhuma rumajhuma chala tihari - Tansen
Bolo bolo kanha bolo chaliya - Chaliya

Raga: Shivranjani
Pardesiyo se naa – Jab Jab Phool Khile
Milti hai zindagi main mohabbat - Aankhen
Tod diya dil mera
Aavaz deke hamem tum bulao - Professor
Baharon phul barsao - Suraj
Jane kahan gaye woh din - Mera Naam Joker
Sansar hai ek nadiya - Raftaar
Laj rakho giridhari
Khabar meri naa lini re bahut din bite - Sant Gyaneshwar
Rimjhimke geet savan gaye - Anjaana
Mere naina savan bhado - Mahebooba
Banake kyun bigada re - Zanjeer
Na kisiki ankhka nur hun – Lal Qilla
O mere sanam - Sangam
Kai sadiyonse kai janmonse
Dilke jharokhemen tujhko bithakar - Bramhachari
Jo bhi dukh yaad na tha, yaad aya - A Ghazal by Ghulam Ali
Tere mere bichmen - Ek Duje ke liye
Saajan a jao
Lage na mora jiya, sajna nahin aye haye
Kahin deep jale kahin dil - Bees Saal Baad
Tumhe dekhti hun to lagta hai aise - Tumhare Liye
Chuma chuma...Mujhko banale priyatama - Pataal Bhairavi
Yaad teri aayegi - Ek Jaan Hai Hum
Mahive...Na jaiyo Pardes - Karma
Tumse milkar, na jane kyun, aur bhi kuchh yaad aata hai - Pyar Jhukta Nahin
Bheega bheega mausam aaya, barse ghata ghanghor - Bhayanak
Mujhe Kuch Kahna Hai - Mujhe Kuch Kahna Hai
O Saathi Re – Muqqaddar ka sikandar
Karoge yaad to - Bazaar

Raga: Sindh Bhairavi
Ajahun na aye balma - Sanjh Aur Savera
Mehendi lagi mere hathme
Sakiya aaj mujhe nind nahi
Chhod gaye balam - Barsaat (old)

Raga: Sohini
Kuhu kuhu bole koyaliya - Swarna Sundari
Jhumati chali hava - Sangeet Samrat Tansen
Jivan jyot jale
Prem jogan ban ja
Kanha re kanha
Din Jogan Ban Gaye – Mughal E Azam ?

Raga: Sur Malhar
Dar lage garaje badariya - Ram Rajya

Raga: Tilang
Sajna sang kahe neha lagae - Main Nashe Me Hun
Itna to yaad hai mujhe - Mehboob ki Mehndi
Yahi arman lekar aaj apne - Shabab
Meri kahani bhulnevale - Deedar
Mujhe e jindagi divana kar de
Chhup gaye tare nazare - Do Raaste
Lagan tose lagi balma - Dekh Kabir Roya
Choota sa baalama ankhiyan neend udaye le gayo - Raagini
Raga: Tilak Kamod
Jalta rahata din raina
Tumhare bin ji na lage gharmen - Bhumika

Raga: Todi
Insan bano - Baiju Bawra
Mai to ek khvab hun - Himalaya Ki God Me
Jago re jago prabhat aya
Khuda e baratara teri jaminpar - Taj Mahal
Tori Jai Jai Kartaar - Baiju Bawra
Insane bano - Baiju Bawra
Jagmen sunder hai do naam, chahe krishna kaho ya ram – A bhajan by Anup Jalota
Duniya na bhaye mohe, ab to bulale - Basant Bahar

Raga: Vrindavani Sarang
Zutimuti batiya avan kahe – Rudali

Raga Malika
Raga Malika sung by Manna Dey – Jhanak Jhanak Payel Baje

Indians are world's 'greenest' according to National Geographic Society and GlobeScan

2009-06-12T19:23:00.000-04:00

Indians are world's 'greenest' according to National Geographic Society and GlobeScan

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/File-Indians-are-worlds-greenest-Survey/articleshow/4527041.cms

Excellent Resource to Learn about Indian Classical Music (Hindustani and Carnatic)

2009-06-07T07:53:00.004-04:00

I don't know of any better way to learn about Indian classical music (both Hindustani and Karnatak Styles). Several US academic libraries already have this series :)

http://www.indiaclub.com/shop/SearchResults.asp?ProdStock=19974

ALAAP - A Discovery of Indian Classical Music (Set of 20 Music CDs + Resource Book) by Eminent Artis

Source: www.indiaclub.com

ALAAP - A Discovery of Indian Classical Music (Set of 20 Music CDs + Resource Book), Eminent Artiste, $395,India reviews of ALAAP - A Discovery of Indian Classical Music (Set of 20 Music CDs + Resource Book)

Also available in UK: http://www.sonarupa.co.uk/default_inner.asp?pflag=prdtls&pr_id=404&md_id=4&curr=0&cat_id=1&jsid=&sub_subcatid=39

Or in Indian prices:
http://www.sriaurobindosociety.org.in/saspub/sasaudvis.htm

Programs in Ethnomusicology, Indian Film Studies, Comparative Religions, and Jainism

2009-05-28T08:22:00.002-04:00

I have created Wiki pages (which are editable by anyone) of lists of graduate programs in Indian ethnomusicology, Comparative Religions of India, Indian Film Studies and Jainism Studies.

Grad programs in ethnomusicology of South Asia:
         http://indianethnomusicology.wikia.com/

Study of comparative religions in India:
         http://compreligionsindia.wikia.com/

Films Studies in India:
         http://filmstudiesindia.wikia.com/

Study of Jainism in North America and Europe:
         http://jainism.wikia.com/wiki/

Chindia (China and India combined) dominated World Trade until 1700 by more than half!

2009-05-18T00:32:00.003-04:00

वैदिक मंत्र

2009-05-10T22:32:00.003-04:00

(notation A - X.Y.Z :
Mantra number A is from Rig Veda Mandala X, Sukta Y, Mantra Z)
1 - 2.23.1
2 - 1.27.13
3 - 1.112.3
4 - 1.147.1
5 - 1.164.50
6 - 1.167.4
7 - 1.169.5
8 - 1.185.9
9 - 1.186.8
10 - 2.28.3
11 - 3.6.7
12 - 3.49.1
13 - 3.56.8
14 - 4.34.11
15 - 4.50.9
16 - 4.55.1
17 - 5.31.8
18 - 6.7.1
19 - 6.7.2
20 - 6.50.11
21 - 6.52.15
22 - 8.63.12
23 - 9.109.1-2
24 - 10.51.8
25 - 10.55.7
26 - 10.85.23
27 - 10.85.36
28 - 10.95.7
29 - 10.109.5
30 - 10.110.11
31 - 10.112.6
32 - 1.99.1
33 - 7.59.2
34 - 1.164.41
35 - 10.71.2
36 - 6.61.4
Thus, e.g., 33 - "Om trayambakam yajamahe sugandhim pushtivardham..."
is Rig Veda Mandala 7, Sukta 59, Mantra 2.

भारत और दक्षिण एशिया

2009-05-10T22:30:00.000-04:00

Subject: Indian Influence in Ancient South-East Asia
A Cultural History of India
Edited by A.L. Basham
Oxford University Press, Delhi, Bombay, Calcutta, Madras 1975
Chapter XXXI: Indian Influence in Ancient South-East Asia
by ALASTAIR LAMB
BEGIN QUOTES:
Pages 442-443
By the opening of the Christian era the civilization of India had begun to
spread across the Bay of Bengal into both island and mainland South-East
Asia; and by the fifth century AD. Indianized states, that is to say states
organized along the traditional lines of Indian political theory and
following the Buddhist or Hindu religions, had established themselves in
many regions of Burma, Thailand, Indo-China, Malaysia, and Indonesia. Some
of these states were in time to grow into great empires dominating the zone
between metropolitan India and the Chinese southern border, which has
sometimes been described as' Further India' or' Greater India '. Once rooted
in South- East Asian soil, Indian civilization evolved in part through the
action of forces Of South-East Asian origin, and in part through the
influence of cultural and political changes in the Indian subcontinent. Many
scholars have described the eastward spread of Indian civilization in terms
of a series of 'waves'; and there are good reasons for considering that such
'waves' are still breaking on South-East Asian beaches today.
The cultures of modern South-East Asia all provide evidence of a long period
of contact with India. Many South-East Asian languages (Malay and Javanese
are good examples) contain an Important proportion of words of Sanskrit or
Dravidian origin. Some of these languages, like Thai, are still written in
scripts which are clearly derived from Indian models South-East Asian
concepts of kingship and authority, even in regions which are now dominated
by Islam, owe much to ancient Hindu political theory. The Thai monarchy,
though following Hinayana Buddhism of the Sinhalese type, still requires the
presence of Court brahmans (who by now have become Thai in all but name) for
the proper performance of its ceremonials. The traditional dance and
shadow-puppet theatres in many South-East Asian regions, in Thailand,
Malaya, and Java for example, continue to fascinate their audiences with the
adventures of Rama and Sita and Hanuman. In Bali an elaborate indigenous
Hindu culture still flourishes, and preserves intact many Indian ideas and
practices which have long passed out of use in the subcontinent; and here we
haven fossil record, as it were, which can be exploited to throw much light
on the early cultural history of India itself. The fact of Indian impact on
South-East Asian civilization, past and present, is, indeed, in no doubt.
Much controversy, however, has arisen over the precise way in which this
impact took place.
Page 443
The term South-East Asia, moreover, covers a very extensive area within
which there exists a considerable range of environments and ethnic types,
and throughout which there cannot possibly have been a uniform operation of
any one of the several likely processes of Indianization. Some populations,
like the Khmers, the Chams, and the Javanese, became heavily Indianized.
Others, like some of the tribes in Sulawesi (the Celebes), were indeed
subject to Indian influence, but lightly and, most probably, indirectly. Yet
others, like the Negritos of the Malay Peninsula, cannot be said to have
been Indianized at all.
Page 444
...It seems most probable, on the present available information, that
Indianization started in earnest in the period from the first century B.C.
to the first century A.D. There can be no doubt, at all events, that by the
fifth century A.D. Indian culture was widely known in South-East Asia, and
that Indianized states had appeared not only in regions with relatively
large populations practicing a settled agriculture, like Cambodia, Vietnam,
and Java, but also in remote and sparsely peopled districts like Kalimantan
(Indonesian Borneo) and Sulawesi (Celebes).
...Indian colonization of South-East Asia, on the pattern of European
colonization of North America or Australia and New Zealand, is no longer
regarded by the majority of scholars as a major factor in the initiation of
the Indianization process, which now tends to be interpreted in the light of
an expansion of international maritime trade.
Page 445
...It is certain however, that once the economic importance of the routes
from India eastwards through South-East Asia was established, they were
extensively exploited by Indians who, unlike the Westerners of this time,
left a lasting impression upon the South-East Asian cultural landscape.

We possess very little direct evidence as to the manner in which the
Indians, once they began to trade and travel widely in South-East Asia,
actually proceeded to Indianize the indigenous peoples with whom they came
into contact. It is clear, however, that more than one mechanism must have
operated and that there can have been no question of a single pattern of
events holding good for the whole region.
Pages 445-446
Such communities would no doubt provide an example for the techniques of
urban life along Indian lines and the practical advantages of the major
Indian religions, which could be copied by neighbouring indigenous
populations.
Another mechanism can perhaps be detected in the deliberate borrowing by
indigenous South-East Asian rulers of the techniques of Indian political
organization, of which they learned either from merchants visiting their
territories or from themselves visiting the early entrepôts. More recently
we have examples of this kind of mechanism at work in Asia in the efforts
towards self-Westernization made by Japan and Thailand in the latter part of
the nineteenth century. Here there was no blind swallowing in its entirety
of an alien culture: rather, specific aspects of Western civilization,
mainly technical and political, were married into the indigenous way of
life. The finer points of art, philosophy, and literature tended to be
ignored, Since ancient Indian political life was so inextricably bound, up
with the religious cosmology, one would expect that self-lndianization, as
it were, would result in the establishment, at an official level, of an
Indian-type religion in the charge of a brahmanical priestly caste, whose
role would be comparable to that filled today by Western advisers in an
under-developed nation.
Page 446
...The Chinese texts, confirmed by epigraphy, describe the founding of the
Indianized kingdom of Funan in Indo-China in terms which could well suggest
the career of the Indian equivalent of Brooke. Kaundinya, so the story goes,
guided by a dream, set out in search of a kingdom which he won by kidnapping
and marrying Willow Leaf, Queen of Funan, This tale was later phrased in
more orthodox Indian terms, with the brahman Kaundinya marrying Nagi Soma,
the daughter of the King of the Nagas, or serpent spirits, a legend
strikingly similar to that accounting for the origin of the Pallava Dynasty
of south India. The Khmers, whose empire was a successor state to Funan,
later adopted this story as their official myth, and the Naga motif came to
dominate their decorative art.
Pages 446-447
...Almost ubiquitous in South- East Asia, for example, is a category of
Buddha image showing very clear signs of Gupta or Amaravati influence; and
some examples of this can, on the established principles of Indian
iconography, be dated to very early in the Christian era. Specimens have
been found in Indo-China, Thailand, Burma, Malaysia, Indonesia, and the
Philippines. The earliest South-East Asian inscriptions, some of which may
perhaps date to the fourth century A.D., show the use of a script generally
considered to be of a south Indian type, with little if any sign of
evolution in a South-East Asian environment. All this rather suggests the
deliberate acquisition by the first South-East Asian Indianized rulers of
the signs and symbols of Indian political organization, the language and
script of the brahmans, and the cult objects of the major Indian religions.
Page 447
...The cult of the Devaraja, the God King, though certainly expressed in
Indian terminology, developed, so many scholars believe, into a distinctive
corpus of political and cosmological ideas which lies behind the
proliferation of Khmer temples built in the form of mystic mountains and the
Javanese chandis which were not only places of worship but also royal tombs
and mechanisms, as it were, designed to link the dynasty on earth with the
spirit world. No more extreme examples of this cult, with its identification
of ruler with god,' be it Siva, Vishnu, or Buddha, can be found than in
Angkor Thom, the city of the late twelfth- and early thirteenth-century
Khmer ruler Jayavarman VII. Here, on the gateway towers of the city, and on
its central monument, the Bayon, the face of the king himself becomes the
dominant architectural motif. From all four sides of every tower of the
Bayon, Jayavarman VII looks out over his capital, his lips and eyes
suggesting an enigmatic and slightly malevolent smile. This is something
which the Roman emperors, who deified themselves in their own lifetimes,
would have understood, but which would have been beyond the comprehension of
the great Hindu and Buddhist dynasties of India. The Devaraja cult of the
Khmers, Chams, and Javanese Indianized kings has survived to the present day
in Thailand, where it explains many features of the modern Thai monarchy.
_________
Page 449
...Indianization, once initiated, did not come abruptly to a halt. Contacts
between India and South-East Asia along the trade-routes, once established,
persisted; and cultural changes in the Indian subcontinent had their effect
across the Bay of Bengal. During the late Gupta and the Pala-Sena periods
many South-East Asian regions were greatly influenced by developments in
Indian religious ideas, especially in the Buddhist field. The pilgrimages to
Indian religious centres like Nalanda, of which devout Chinese like Hsuan
Tsang and I Ching have left celebrated accounts, were also made by
South-East Asians, sometimes with much encouragement on the part of their
rulers. The Indonesian King Baladeva, for example, so an inscription
records, made in A.D. 860 a benefaction to the Buddhist university at
Nalanda. It should cause no surprise, therefore, to find a strong late Gupta
and Pala influence in many manifestations of Mahayana Buddhism in South-East
Asia. The art of the Sailendra Dynasty in Java, the builders during the
eighth and ninth centuries A.D. of Borobodur and many of the other
architectural glories of central Java, shows abundant evidence of this
particular influence, as also does the art of Srivijaya, a state which
dominated the Malayan and Sumatran shores of the Malacca Straits from the
seventh to the thirteenth centuries A.D.; and Pala influence can also be
seen to a varying degree in the major styles of the South-East Asian
mainland. Thus the great temple at Paharpur in Bengal, dating perhaps from
the seventh or eighth century, of which excavation has revealed the
ground-plan, may well be representative of an inspiration shared in common
by such widely separated monuments as Borobodur and Prambanan in central
Java, Angkor Wat in Cambodia, and the Ananda temple at Pagan in Burma.
Pages 449-450
Inscriptions show that there was also a very close contact between many
South-East Asian regions and the Tamil kingdoms, particularly during the
period of the Chola Dynasty (ninth to thirteenth centuries A.D.). There were
Tamil trading settlements at this time at Baros in western Sumatra and at
Takuapa on the Kra Isthmus. Indonesian rulers endowed shrines in Chola
territory in India. This connection between both sides of the Bay of Bengal
was so important that, in the eleventh century A.D., it induced the Chola
kings Rajaraja and Rajendra to undertake demonstrations of their sea power
in the direction of Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula, with the probable
objective of securing a commercial monopoly rather than the acquisition of
territory. It is not difficult, therefore, to find explanations for the
presence of a Chola element in many South-East Asian arts and architectures.
Page 450
The Thais, once established in the Menam basin, underwent a process of
Indianization which, because it is well documented, provides an invaluable
example of the mechanics of cultural fusion in South-East Asia. On the one
hand, Thai rulers set out deliberately to Indianize themselves. They sent,
for example, agents to Bengal, at that time suffering from the disruption of
Islamic conquest, to bring back models upon which to base an official
sculpture and architecture. Hence Thai architects began to build replicas of
the Bodh-Gaya stupa (Wat Chet Yot in Chiengmai is a good example) and Thai
artists made Buddha images according to the Pala canon as they saw it. On
the other hand, the Thais absorbed much from their Khmer and Mon subjects;
and the influence of Angkor and Dvaravati is obvious in Thai art. Thai kings
embraced the Indian religions, and they based their principles of government
upon Hindu practice as it had been understood by their Khmer predecessors.
Hence the Khmer version of the Devaraja cult was absorbed by the Thai
monarchy; and traces of it survive to this day.
Pages 450-451
The thirteenth century, which saw the conquests of the Thais, also witnessed
two major developments in South-East Asian religious life, both, if
sometimes rather indirectly, the product of Indian influence. Theravada
Buddhism established itself as the dominant form of religious expression on
the South-East Asian mainland; and the saffron-robed monk became ubiquitous
in Burma, Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia. This movement appears to have
originated in Ceylon and is unconnected, except in the most remote way,
with the Buddhism which came to South-East Asia in the first centuries of
Indianization.
Page 451
...But it seems that the actual conversion of South-East Asian populations
to Islam on a significant scale did not begin until the thirteenth century,
when Indian Muslim merchants from Gujarat or Bengal brought the faith with
them as their ancestors had brought the Hindu and Buddhist religions....
The conversion to Islam of much of island South-East Asia was the last phase
of Indianization which we can treat in the same terms as our discussion of
the earlier establishment of Hindu and Buddhist influence; for in the
sixteenth century the South-East Asian cultural scene was greatly
complicated both by the coming of the European empire-builders and by the
great increase in Chinese settlement. Indian influence, of course, has
continued up to the present; but it has done so in competition with the
influences of Europe and China, to which, in recent years, have been added
those of America and Japan. The Islamic conversion in South-East Asia took
place along lines very similar to those which marked the coming of Buddhism
and Hinduism in earlier-years. It was established by influence and example,
not by force; and there is no South-East Asian parallel to the Islamic
Turkish invasions of India. Once established on South-East Asian soil, Islam
began to acquire peculiarly South-East Asian features, the product of its
intermarriage with earlier cultural strata, both Indianized and pre-Indian.
Thus women in Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines have not, as they
have in India and the Middle East, taken to veiling their faces in public.
The first South-East Asian mosques were not replicas of Indo-Saracenic art:
they were based on the forms of existing Buddhist and Hindu temple
architecture; and the dome is a late, and rather exotic, development in this
region. Many old pre-Islamic customs and ceremonies survived. Islamic
peasants continued to be entertained by stories from the Ramayana. Much of
Malay and Indonesian court ceremonial, marriage customs, and the like can be
traced without difficulty back to the days of Buddhist and Hindu dominance.
Page 452
The Indianization of South-East Asia was a slow and gradual process. With a
few exceptions like the Chola attacks of the eleventh century, it was
carried out by peaceful means; and in consequence, as it developed, it did
not build up a resistance to its further progress. Though its initial impact
was probably at the level of the ruling classes, Indian influences had no
difficulty in merging with indigenous cultures to create a series of
distinct South-East Asian amalgams in which it is now virtually impossible
to disentangle all the Indian from
the non-Indian. The result may not have simplified the task of the cultural
historian; but it has without doubt guaranteed the Indian heritage a place
in South-East Asian civilization from which it cannot possibly be dislodged
without the total destruction of that civilization.
Pages 452-453
Secondly, there are new theories about the reasons for the coming of Indian
influence to ancient South-East Asia and the way this influence spread.
These show a clear tendency away from a predominantly commercial or economic
interpretation of the process of Indianization (i.e. traders seen as the
main agents of the spread of Indian influence), let alone one based on the
assumption of large-scale migrations, abandoned long ago. Emphasis is now
put on brahmans or missionaries, or even on the initiative of South-East
Asians themselves, a development foreshadowed by Professor Lamb's adoption
of the term 'self-Indianization' to describe one possible mechanism of the
process. The frequent use of the words 'Sanskritization' or 'brahmanization'
in recent publications underlines this tendency. Archaeological evidence now
available also points to a slightly earlier date than that suggested by
Professor Lamb for the effective results of this Sanskritization in some
parts of South-East Asia, if not for its beginning.
Page 453
...As regards the extension of Sanskritization, which until recently was
thought not to have reached the eastern parts of South-East Asia, it has now
been shown that even the Philippines got a fair share of it, although it did
not result there in the establishment of lndian-inspired kingdoms as in the
more western and southern parts of the region.

श्री राम नवमी

2009-05-10T22:28:00.001-04:00

SRI RAMA NAVAMI CHAITRA SHUKLA NAVAMI
The ninth day of the bright half of Chaitra

"Wherever four Hindus live, Rama and Sita will be there" so said Swami Vivekananda, one of the foremost harbingers of modern national renaissance of Bharat. The reverse also is equally true - wherever Rama and Sita live, the people there will remain and live as Hindus. Every hill and rivulet of Bharat bears the imprint of the holy feet of Rama and Sita. Sri Rama reigns supreme to this day in the hearts of our people, cutting across all barriers of province, language, caste or sect. Even the tribes living in isolated valleys and jungles have names like Mitti-Ram and Patthar-Ram. In some other tribes, every name carries the proud suffix of Ram, such as Lutthu Ram, Jagadev Ram, etc. In many northern parts of Bharat mutual greetings take the form of Jay Ramjee Ki.

Sri Rama has become so much identified with all the good and great and virile qualities of heroic manhood that expressions such as 'Us me Ram nahi hai' (there is no Rama in him) - meaning that a person has lost all manliness and worth - have become common usage. And when a Hindu quits the world stage, he is bid God-speed in his onward journey [with Ramanama satya hai or Raghupati Raghava raja Ram, patita paavana Sita Ram. In fact, the latter couplet has become the nation's bhajan par excellence.

Sri Rama's story, Ramayana, has been sung and resung in all the languages and dialects of Bharat. The tradition of writing epics centering round the saga of Rama's achievements started by Valmiki and Samskrit was continued by Tulsidas in Hindi, by Kamban in Tamil, by Ramanujan in Malayalam, by Krittivasa in Bengali and Madhav Kambali in Assamia and in fact, in almost every Bharatiya language. The tradition is being continued up to the present day. The Ramayana Darshanam of K.V. Puttappa, the national literary award of Bharat by the Jnana Peeth. The enchanting Geet Ramayana composed in Marathi by G.D. Madgulkar and set to tune by Sudhir Phadke is now thrilling the hearts of millions in Maharashtra. The various tribal groups too have sung the story of Ramayana in their dialects. Sri Rama, Lakshmana and Janaki mirror the ideals for millions of tribal boys and girls. The Khamati tribe in Arunachal Pradesh, which is Buddhist, depicts Ramayana as the story narrated by Buddha to his first disciple, Ananda, and carries the universal message of Buddha. How deeply significant that every group and sect even in distant and far-flung parts of Bharatavarsha should have found a radiant reflection of its own ideals in the form of Sri Rama!

The comparison of Sri Rama's fortitude to Himalayas and the grace and grandeur of his personality to the ocean – 'Samudra iva gaambheerye, dhairye cha Himavaan iva' - portrays how inseparably his personality has been blended into the entire national entity of Bharat. Where in lay the secret of this unique greatness in Rama's personality? He is called Maryaada-Purushottama - the great one who never deviated from the norms set by Dharma. In the eyes of the Hindu, the touchstone of human excellence is Dharma. Devotion to Dharma
came first in Rama's life and considerations of his personal joys and sorrows came last. It was his supreme commitment to putra-dharma (duty of a son) that made Rama smilingly depart to the forest for fourteen years at the bidding of his father. And this he did on the very day he was to be anointed as the future emperor of Bharat. He would not budge from the path of Dharma -
righteousness - even when his own preceptor, his parents, his brothers and the whole body of his subjects tried to dissuade him. He upheld the supremacy of Dharma in every one of his human relationships and hence became an ideal son, an ideal brother, an ideal husband, an ideal disciple. an ideal friend, an ideal kind and even an ideal foe. The one and supreme concern of Sri Rama's life was the welfare of his subjects. He would forsake everything else to uphold his kingly
duties - the Rajadharma. The night previous to his scheduled coronation, when Rama and Sita were alone in a happy mood in view of the next day's joyous occasion, Sita asked Rama, "What is that thing which hold dearest to your heart?" Rama fell serious for a moment and said, "Dear Sita, you know I love you most dearly, but I love the subjects of Ayodhya more and if their welfare demands, I would not hesitate to sacrifice even you!" The following couplet conveying this idea is cited often:
Sneham dayaam cha soukhyam cha yadi vaa Jaanakimapi,
Aaraadhanaaya lokasya munchate naasti me vyathaa.
And Sri Rama did live up to his words. When he felt that the call of his royal duties - Rajadharma - demanded the forsaking of Sita, he wavered not in carrying it out. The most crucial test came when Lakshmana violated the orders of Rama and admitted Durvasa to Rama's presence with a view to averting the destruction of Ayodhya by Durvasa's curse. Rama stuck to the law of the land and awarded death penalty to Lakshmana - one whom he loved dearer than his own life. It was with such a fiery faith that Rama followed the dictates of Dharma.

To such a one, how could power and pelf hold any fascination? When Bharata came to him in the forest and implored him to return to Ayodhya and become the emperor, Sri Rama firmly refused. Here was enacted a scene unparalleled in the annals of world history - each of the two brothers trying to out-argue the other to make him accept the emperorship of a great and mighty kingdom.

Sri Rama's role as one of the first and foremost national unifiers of Bharat is also unique and extraordinary. He embraced Guha, the forest Kind and ate in his house without the least hesitation. No sense of high or low ever touched his all-embracing love of his people.
He even enjoyed a fruit tasted and offered with devotion by Shabari, a tribal lady in the far south.
The Vanaras or the forest-dwellers too felt that Rama was their own. He endeared himself to them so intimately that they became, in fact, his chief allies against Ravana. All over Bharatavarsha, the dear, little squirrel with his three brown stripes bespeaks the devotion
to Sri Rama even among the animal world. Along with the Vanaras, a solitary squirrel had played his humble part in carrying sand for the construction of bridge to Lanka and Sri Rama's caressing of the little one on the back had left those indelible stripes for all future generations.

Sri Rama's intense adoration for the motherland has been immortalized by a legendary couplet which is playing on the lips of millions even to this day:
Janani janmabhoomischa swargaadapi garreyasi
(the mother and the motherland are to me greater than the heavens themselves).

The story of Rama is not that of a single towering personality dwarfing all others. The other characters like Sita, Lakshmana, Bharata and Hanuman too shine in their own greatness. All of them are so closely interwoven with Sri Rama's life and achievements that it is well-nigh impossible to think of any one without the other. In fact, the most popular picture of Sri Rama, i.e., of Sri Rama Pattabhisheka includes Sita, Hanuman and all his brothers. And in the bringing out of the greatness of all these partners of his life-drama, Rama's instinctive recognition of their merit and virtues played no mean part. He would always be the first to openly appreciate the unique and noble traits in others' character. Even for Kaikeyi, who was responsible for his banishment to forest, Rama had only words of kindness. And as for Ravana, the abductor of his wife, Rama's unstinted praise of his erudition and prowess at once lifts the story of Ramayana to heights unsurpassed in the annals of human history.

No wonder, the story of Sri Rama has crossed the boundaries of Bharat and inspired by many a distant people, their culture and literature. Indonesia - with Muslims forming 80% of her population - continues to adore Rama and Sita as her great cultural standard-bearers, and Ramayana as her national epic par excellence. Indonesia also prides herself in having the biggest drama stage in the world - with Ramayana as its chief attraction. And the credit goes to that country for celebrating the very first grand World Ramayana Festival some years ago.
The birthday of Sri Rama, indeed, signifies an event worth of remembrance by every one, whatever his country or race or religion, who cherishes the time honored sublime values of human culture and civilization.

The Indus ‘non-script’ is a non-issue (Hindu.com)

2009-05-06T10:44:00.001-04:00

Date:03/05/2009 URL: http://www.thehindu.com/thehindu/mag/2009/05/03/stories/2009050350010100.htm

The Indus ‘non-script’ is a non-issue
IRAVATHAM MAHADEVAN
There is solid archaeological and linguistic evidence to show that the Indus script is a writing system encoding the language of the region (most probably Dravidian). To deny the very existence of the script is not the way towards further progress.
The Indus script appears to consist mostly of word-signs. Such a script will necessarily have a lesser number of characters and repetitions than a syllabic script.

Photo Courtesy: ASI A Riddle still: Indus seals with long inscriptions.
Is the Indus Script ‘writing’?
“There is zero chance that the Indus valley is literate. Zero,” says Steve Farmer, an independent scholar in Palo Alto, California. “As they say, garbage in, garbage out,” says Michael Witzel of the Harvard University. These quotations from an online news item (New Scientist, April 23, 2009) are representative of what passes for academic debate in sections of the Western media over a serious research paper by Indian scientists published recently in the USA (Science, April 24, 2009).
The Indian teams are from the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research, Mumbai, the Institute of Mathematical Sciences, and the Indus Research Centre of the Roja Muthiah Research Library (both at Chennai), and backed by a team from the University of Washington at Seattle. They have proposed in their paper, resulting from more than two years of sustained research, that there is credible scientific evidence to show that the Indus script is a system of writing which encodes a language (as briefly reported in The Hindu, April 27, 2009).
This is a sober and understated conclusion presented in a refereed article published by an important scientific journal. The provocative comments by Farmer and Witzel will surprise only those not familiar with the consistently aggressive style adopted by them on this question, especially by Farmer. Their first paper, written jointly with Richard Sproat of Oregon Health and Sciences University, Portland, has the sensational title, “The collapse of the Indus script thesis: the myth of a literate Harappan civilization” (Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies 11: 2, 2004).
The “collapse of the Indus script thesis” has already drawn many responses, including the well-argued and measured rebuttal by the eminent Indus script expert, Asko Parpola, “Is the Indus script indeed not a writing system?” (Airavati 2008), and a hilarious and intentionally sarcastic rejoinder (mimicking the style of the “collapse” paper) by Massimo Vidale (“The collapse melts down”, East and West 2007). Here is a sampling from the latter: “Should we be surprised by this announced ‘collapse’? From the first noun in the title of their paper, Farmer, Sproat and Witzel are eager to communicate to us that previous and current views on the Indus script are naïve and completely wrong, and that after 130 years of illusion, through their paper, we may finally see the truth behind the dark curtains of a dangerous scientific myth.”
I am one of the co-authors of the Science paper. But my contribution is limited to making available to my colleagues the electronic database file compiled by me in collaboration with the computer scientists at the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research, and partly published in my book The Indus Script: Texts, Concordance and Tables (1977). I have no background in computational linguistics. However, I have closely studied the Indus script for over four decades and I am quite familiar with its structure. The following comments are based on my personal research and may not necessarily reflect the views of the other co-authors of the Science paper.
In a nutshell, my view is that there is solid archaeological and linguistic evidence to show that the Indus script is a writing system encoding the language of the region (most probably Dravidian).Archaeological evidence
Path-breaking work: Iravatham Mahadevan.
The strongest argument against the new-fangled theory that the Indus script is not writing is provided by the sheer size and sophistication of the Indus civilisation. Consider these facts:
• The Indus was by far the largest civilisation of the ancient world during the Bronze Age (roughly 3000 – 1500 BCE). It extended all the way from Shortugai in North Afghanistan to Daimabad in South India, and from Sutkagen Dor on the Pak-Iran border to Hulas in Uttar Pradesh — altogether more than a million sq km in area, very much larger than the contemporary West Asian and Egyptian civilisations put together.
• The Indus civilisation was mainly urban, with many large and well-built cities sustained by the surplus agricultural production of the surrounding countryside. The Indus cities were not only well-built but also very well administered with enviable arrangements for water supply and sanitation (lacking even now in many Indian towns).
• There was extensive and well-regulated trade employing precisely shaped and remarkably accurate weights. The beautifully carved seals were in use (as in all other literate societies) for personal identification, administrative purposes, and trading. Scores of burnt clay sealings with seal-impressions were found in the port city of Lothal in Gujarat attesting to the use of seals to mark the goods exported from there. Indus seals and clay-tag sealings have been found in North and West Asian sites, where they must have reached in the course of trading.
This archaeological evidence makes it inconceivable that such a large, well-administered, and sophisticated trading society could have functioned without effective long-distance communication, which could have been provided only by writing. And there is absolutely no reason to presume otherwise, considering that thousands of objects, including seals, sealings, copper tablets, and pottery bear inscriptions in the same script throughout the Indus region. The script may not have been deciphered; but that is no valid reason to deny its very existence, ignoring the archaeological evidence.
Another important pointer to the literacy of the Indus civilisation is that it was in close trading and cultural contacts with other contemporary literate societies like the Proto-Elamite to the North and the Sumerian-Akkadian city states (and probably the Egyptian kingdom) to the West. It is again inconceivable that a civilisation as urban and well-organised as the Indus could not have been alive to the importance of writing practised in the neighbouring literate cultures and was content with “non-linguistic” symbols of very limited utility like those employed by pre-historic hunter-gathering or tribal societies.Linguistic evidence
While denying the status of a writing system to the Indus script, Farmer, Sproat and Witzel point to the extreme brevity of the texts (averaging less than five signs) and the presence of numerous “singletons” (signs with only one occurrence). Seal-texts tend to be short universally. Further, the Indus script appears to consist mostly of word-signs. Such a script will necessarily have a lesser number of characters and repetitions than a syllabic script. Thus the proper comparison should be with the number of words in later Indian seals or cave inscriptions. The average number of words in these cases matches the average number of signs in an Indus text. There are, however, many seal-texts that are much longer than the average. (See illustrations of longer Indus texts). As for singletons, they appear to be mostly composite or modified signs derived from basic signs, apparently meant only for restricted or special usage. An apt parallel would be the difference in frequencies between basic and conjunct consonants in the Brahmi script.The concordances
Photo Courtesy: UNESCO A file photo of The Great Bath at Mohenjo-daro.
Three major concordances of the Indus texts have been published: a manually compiled edition by Hunter (1934), and two computer-made editions, one by the Finnish team led by Asko Parpola (1973, 1982) and the other by the Indian scholar, Iravatham Mahadevan (1977). All the three concordances provide definitive editions of the texts, sign lists, and lists of sign variants. The Mahadevan Concordance also provides in addition various statistical tabulations for textual analysis as well as for relating the texts to their archaeological context (sites, types of inscribed objects, and pictorial motifs accompanying the inscriptions).
The concordance is a basic and indispensable tool for research in the Indus script. It is a complete index of sign occurrences in the texts. It also sets out the full textual context of each sign occurrence. The frequency and positional distribution of each sign and sign combination can be readily ascertained from the concordance. A study of near-identical sequences leads to segmentation of texts into words and phrases. Doubtful signs can be read with a fair amount of confidence by a comparative study of identical sequences. Sign variants can be recognised to a large extent by studying the textual environment.
It is the concordance which conclusively established the direction of the Indus script to be from right to left on seal-impressions and direct writing (naturally reversed on the seals). The concordance also reveals the broad syntactical features of the texts, like the most frequent opening and terminal signs, as well as pairs and triplets of signs in the middle representing important names, titles etc. Numerals have been identified. As they precede the enumerated objects, we know that adjectives precede the nouns they qualify. This is an important result ruling out, for example, Sumerian or Akkadian as candidate languages. According to competent and objective scholars like Kamil Zvelebil and Gregory Possehl, the concordances are the most tangible outcome of the prolonged research on the Indus script.
The concordances have been criticised for employing “normalised” signs that are sometimes different from what are actually found in individual inscriptions. The differences are as between a handwritten manuscript and the printed book. All the three concordances employ normalised signs, as there is no other possible way of presenting hundreds of inscriptions and thousands of sign-occurrences in a compact and logical arrangement for analytical study. The concordances have also been faulted for differences in readings. The criticism overlooks the fact that the Indus script is still undeciphered and such differences are unavoidable, especially in reading badly preserved texts or in deciding which are independent signs and which are mere graphic variants.
The serious student of the Indus script will consult the concordances, but refer to the sources for confirmation. Statistically speaking, differences (or even errors in coding) in the concordances are marginal and have not affected the interpretation of the main features of the texts.
This was confirmed by an interesting study published recently by Mayank Vahia et al of the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research (International Journal of Dravidian Linguistics, 37:1, 2008). They removed all the doubtfully read signs (marked by asterisks) and multiple lines (with indeterminate order) from the Mahadevan Concordance and analysed the rest, a little less than half of the total sign-occurrences. They found that the statistically established percentages of frequencies and distribution of signs and segmentations of texts remained constant, attesting to the essential correctness of compilation of the full concordance.The Dravidian hypothesis
There is archaeological and linguistic evidence to support the view that the Indus civilisation is non-Aryan and pre-Aryan:
• The Indus civilisation was urban, while the Vedic was rural and pastoral.
• The Indus seals depict many animals, but not the horse. The chariot with the spoked wheels is also not depicted. The horse and chariot with the spoked wheels are the main features of Aryan-speaking societies. (For the best and most recent account, refer to David W. Anthony, The Horse, the Wheel and Language, Princeton, 2007).
• The Indus religion as revealed in the pictorial depictions on the seals included worship of buffalo-horned male gods, mother-goddesses, the pipal tree, the serpent, and probably the phallic symbol. Such modes of worship are alien to the religion of the Rigveda.
Ruling out Aryan authorship of the Indus civilisation does not automatically make it Dravidian. However, there is substantial linguistic evidence favouring the Dravidian theory:
• The survival of Brahui, a Dravidian language in the Indus region.
• The presence of Dravidian loanwords in the Rigveda.
• The substratum influence of Dravidian on the Prakrit dialects.
• Computer analysis of the Indus texts revealing that the language had only suffixes (like Dravidian), and no prefixes (as in Indo-Aryan) or infixes (as in Munda).
It is significant that all the three concordance-makers (Hunter, Parpola, and Mahadevan) point to Dravidian as the most likely language of the Indus texts. The Dravidian hypothesis has also been supported by other scholars like the Russian team headed by Yuri Valentinovich Knorozov and by the American archaeologist, Walter Fairservis, all of whom have utilised the information available from the concordances. However, as the Dravidian models of decipherment have still little in common except the basic features summarised above, it is obvious that much more work remains to be done before a generally acceptable solution emerges.
I am hopeful that with an increasing number of Indus texts, and better and more sophisticated archaeological and linguistic methods, the riddle of the Indus script will be solved one day. What is required is perseverance, recognising the advances already made, and proceeding further. To deny the very existence of the Indus script is not the way towards further progress.
Iravatham Mahadevan is a well-known authority on the Indus and Brahmi scripts. He is the author of The Indus Script: Texts, Concordance and Tables (1977) and Early Tamil Epigraphy (2003).
© Copyright 2000 - 2008 The Hindu

Is the Indus script indeed not a writing system? By Asko Parpola

2009-04-27T14:21:00.001-04:00

Is the Indus script indeed not a writing system? By Asko Parpola

Is the Indus script a writing system or not? I represent the traditional view
that it is, and more accurately, a logo-syllabic writing system of the
Sumerian type. This paper is an enlarged version of the criticism that I
presented two years earlier in Tokyo, where it was published soon
afterwards (Parpola 2005). What I am criticizing is "The collapse of the
Indus script thesis: The myth of a literate Harappan Civilization" by Steve
Farmer, Richard Sproat and Michael Witzel (2004), where the authors
categorically deny that the Indus script is a speech-encoding writing
system.
Farmer and his colleagues present ten main points or theses, which
according to them prove that the Indus script is not writing:
1. Statistics of Indus sign frequencies & repetitions
2. ―Texts‖too short to encode messages
3. Too many rare signs, especially ―singletons‖4. No sign repetition within any one text
5. ―Lost‖longer texts (manuscripts) never existed
6. No cursive variant of the script developed, hence no scribes
7. No writing equipment has been found
8. ―Script‖signs are non-linguistic symbols
9. Writing was known, but it was consciously not adopted
10. This new thesis helps to understand the Indus Civilization better than
the writing hypothesis.
I shall take these points up for discussion one by one.
Statistics of Indus sign frequencies & repetitions
Firstly, Farmer and his colleagues claim that comparison of the Indus sign
frequencies ―can show that the Indus system could not have been a
Chinese-style script, since symbol frequencies in the two systems differ
too widely, and the total numbers of Indus symbols are too few‖ (Farmer
& al. 2004: 29). They also point out that signs are repeated within a single
inscription much more often in Egyptian cartouches than in Indus seals of
a similar length.
112 Airāvati
There is no difficulty to agree with these observations. There is a vast
difference between the Chinese script with its theoretically nearly 50,000
signs (and even in practice about 5000 signs) and the Indus script with
only about 400 known graphemes.
―But [as Farmer and his colleagues themselves conclude,] studies of
general sign frequencies by themselves cannot determine whether the
Indus system was a ‗mixed‘ linguistic script [that is, a logo-syllabic script
of the Sumerian type]... or exclusively a system of nonlinguistic signs‖
(Farmer & al. 2004: 29).
As this is an important point, my colleague Dr Kimmo Koskenniemi, who
is Professor of Computer Linguistics at the University of Helsinki,
verified from Dr Richard Sproat by e-mail in April 2005 that they both
agree on the following: ―Plain statistical tests such as the distribution of
sign frequencies and plain reoccurrencies can (a) neither prove that the
signs represent writing, (b) nor prove that the signs do not represent
writing. Falsifying being equally impossible as proving.‖
Rebuses were used very much from the earliest examples of the Egyptian
writing. Around 3050 BC, the name of King Narmer was written with the
hieroglyphs depicting ‗catfish‘ (the Egyptian word for 'catfish is n'r) and
‗awl‘ (the Egyptian word for 'awl' is mr). (cf. Gardiner 1957: 7). Egyptian
rebus-punning ignored wovels altogether, but the consonants had to be
identical (cf. Gardiner 1957: 9). Other early logo-syllabic scripts too,
allowed moderate liberties, such as difference in vowel and consonant
length. The Egyptian words represented by the hieroglyphs could contain
three or two consonants or just one (cf. Gardiner 1957: 25). Eventually
only the one-consonant signs were selected by the Egyptian-trained
Semitic scribes for writing their own language, but they were used
copiously also in Egyptian-language texts, and not only for writing
foreign proper names. This easily explains the difference in the statistics
between Egyptian cartouches and Indus seal inscriptions.
―Texts‖ too short to encode messages
The second argument of Farmer and his colleagues is that ―Indus
inscriptions were neither able nor intended to encode detailed ‗essages‘,
not even in the approximate ways performed by formal mnemonic
systems in other nonliterate societies‖ (Farmer et al. 2004: 42). One of the
two reasons adduced in support of this thesis is that the Indus inscriptions
are too short.
Parpola, Asko 113
But although the Indus texts have as their average length five signs, this is
quite sufficient to express short noun phrases in a logo-syllabic script of
the Sumerian type. We cannot expect complete sentences in seals and
other types of objects preserved (cf. Parpola 1994: 87). But even written
noun phrases qualify as language-based script — I shall return to this
point later.
The Mesopotamian seal inscriptions typically contain: a proper name ±
descent ± occupation (cf. e.g. Edzard 1968). In the most elaborate seals of
the high officials, this information is couched in an invocation addressed
to the King or other dignitary. Here are two examples of Mesopotamian
seal inscriptions: ―Adda the Scribe‖ ―O Sharkali- sharri, King of Akkad:
Ibni-sharri the Scribe (is) your servant‖. These Akkadian seals are
contemporary with the heyday of the Indus Civilization, and the latter one
in fact attests to contacts with it. The water-buffalo depicted in it was
imported to Mesopotamia from the Indus Valley during the rule of Sargon
the Great, King of Akkad (2334-2278 BC) and entered Mesopotamian
iconography towards the end of his 60 year long rule, to disappear from
the iconography and the faunal remains in the beginning of the second
millennium BC when the Indus Civilization collapsed (Cf. Boehmer
1975).
Not all Indus texts 2 are so short — for instance the one-line seal
inscription M-355 from Mohenjo-daro has 14 signs. But even a single
sign of a logo-syllabic script can convey a message. The single-sign seal
inscription H-94 from Harappa probably renders the occupational title of
the seal owner. Single-sign texts may consist of non-composite signs, but
here this single sign is a composite sign consisting of two component
signs. Many composite signs (like the one in the text H-94) have ‗man‘ as
the final component and may denote occupational titles such as ‗oliceman‘
or ‗ilk-man‘. Partially identical sequences show a functional
correspondence between compound signs and their component signs (cf.
Parpola 1994: 80-81 with fig. 5.3). The Egyptian script around 3000 BC
was used in a number of inscriptions, most of which were very short,
often consisting of just two or three signs. They recorded proper names
with a high percentage of rebus signs and thus qualify as writing.
Too many rare signs, especially ―singletons‖
The third argument of Farmer and his colleagues has been put into words
as follows: ―Further evidence that clashes with the Indus-script thesis
shows up in the large number of unique symbols (or ‗singletons‘) and
other rare signs that turn up in the inscriptions ... A number of inscriptions
114 Airāvati
also contain more than one singleton in addition to other rare signs,
making it difficult to imagine how those signs could have possibly
functioned in a widely disseminated ‗script‘‖(Farmer & al. 2004: 36).
It is true that around 25% of the about 400 graphemes of the Indus script
are attested only once (cf. Mahadevan 1977: 17; Parpola 1994: 78, table
5.1).
But if more texts are excavated, many of these ‗singletons‘ will occur
more than once; there will also be new rare signs. Many of the Indus
‗singletons‘ occur in the midst of more frequently occurring signs, which
helps their understanding. All logo-syllabic scripts had rarely occurring
signs, some of these scripts quite many. Chinese has very many rare signs,
and some of them do occasionally occur even in newspapers.
No "random-looking" sign repetitions within any one text
Although Farmer and his colleagues in passing refer to logosyllabic
writing systems of the Sumerian type and their functioning, their
argumentation implies that in order to represent a language-based script
the Indus signs should largely be phoneticized in the manner of the
Egyptian cartouches. However, in early logosyllabic scripts one sign
often stands for a complete word. Even a seal with a single sign can
express its owner, and there is mostly little reason for sign repetition in
short seal texts written in an early logosyllabic script of the Sumerian type.
The alleged lack of what they call random-looking type of sign repetition
is mentioned as the fourth and most important and critical evidence
against the thesis that the Indus script is a writing system: ―Most
importantly, nowhere in Indus inscriptions do we find convincing
evidence of the random-looking types of sign repetition expected in
contemporary phonetic or semi-phonetic scripts‖ (Farmer & al. 2004: 29-
30).
Farmer and his colleagues themselves admit that ―some Indus signs do
repeat in single inscriptions, sometimes including many repetions in a
row‖ (p. 31). However, they do not accept the evidence of such
duplications: ―Whatever the origins of these different types of
duplications, all that is critical for our purposes is to note again the lack of
any suggestions in them of the random-looking repetitions typical even of
monumental scripts like Luwian or Egyptian hieroglyphs‖ (p. 36).
The hieroglyphic signs drawn in black in fig. 1 mark the repetitions in the
cartouches of Ptolemy and Cleopatra; they were crucial in the
Parpola, Asko 115
decipherment of the Egyptian script. But these are the repetitions when
both of the two cartouches are taken into consideration. Farmer and his
colleagues speak of sign repetitions limited to single cartouches, in which
case Ptolemy‘s cartouche has only one sign repetition, namely the
duplication of the sign E, one after the other in a row, which according to
Farmer & al. does not count as a "random-looking" repetition. Within
Cleopatra‘s cartouche, there is likewise only one sign repetition, namely
that of the eagle-shaped sign for A. This latter case would qualify as an
example of a ―random-looking‖ sign repetition.
Fig. 1 : Cartouches of Ptolemy and Cleopatra: the Egyptian hieroglyphs and their
transliterations (with repetitions shown in bold). (After Parpola 1994: 41, fig. 3.1.)
But sign repetition within single Indus inscription DOES occur, also of
the ―random-looking type" completely missed by Farmer and his
colleagues. Such repetition occurs even in the ―bar-seals‖, which Farmer
and his colleagues (2004: 33) consider particularly crucial for the Indus
script thesis. The following counter examples by no means exhaust the
material.
In the 10-sign text M-682 from Mohenjo-daro, one sign is repeated three
times, two other signs are repeated twice, and all in different places, that
is, not in a row.
In M-634 from Mohenjo-daro one sign is repeated in three different
places. Farmer and his colleagues have noticed this case, but disqualify it
because in their opinion the ―sun symbol‖shows that non-linguistic
symbols are involved. Of course this sign can very well depict the solar
wheel with rays, as I have myself proposed on the basis of Near Eastern
and later Indian parallels (cf. Parpola 1994: 104, 106 fig. 7.5; 110; 116-
116 Airāvati
117). But, how do Farmer and his colleagues know that this sign has not
been used phonetically as a rebus sign: after all, it is precisely this type of
―random repetition‖that they consider as proof for phonetic usage!
In M-1792 (Marshall 1931: III, pl. 106 no. 93) from Mohenjo-daro one
sign (different from that of M-634) is also repeated in three different
places.
The seal K-10 from Kalibangan has ten signs. One and the same two-sign
sequence is repeated in two different places.
In the 11-sign text M-1169 from Mohenjo-daro, one sign is repeated in
two different places.
In the 8-sign "bar-seal" M-357 from Mohenjo-daro, one sign is repeated
in two different places.
I agree with Farmer and his colleagues that some of the sign duplications
in row imply quantification (cf. Farmer & al. 2004: 31). I shall come back
to the probable function of the small bifacial tablets later on. The
inscription on one side of them usually has just the U-shaped sign,
preceded by one to four vertical strokes for the numbers 1 to 4: UI, UII,
UIII, UIIII. In some tablets, such as H-764 from Harappa, the U-shaped
sign is repeated three times: UUU, obviously an alternative to UIII, where
III = number 3 is a numeral attribute (cf. Parpola 1994: 81). Farmer and
his colleagues want to deny the use of number signs as numeral attributes
of following signs; according to them they are independent symbols for
fixed conceptions: thus seven strokes should denote ―THE seven‖
However, different numbers clearly alternate before certain signs, among
them the U-shaped sign, clearly suggesting attributive use (cf. Parpola
1994: 81-82; 88; 120, fig. 7.21, I).
Farmer and his colleagues (2004: 31) surmise that the duplication of other
signs may emphasize their magical or political power. They do not
mention that such sign reduplications can reflect emphasizing linguistic
reduplications common in Dravidian (and other Indian languages)
especially in onomatopoeic words, or as grammatical markers, such as
Sumerian nominal plurals (cf. Parpola 1994: 82). There are also cases like
the reduplication of the sign ―dot-in-a-circle‘ that could depict the ‗ye‘.
Comparing the Dravidian words kaN ‗eye‘ and ka:N ‗to see‘, I have
proposed reading their reduplication as a compound word, namely kaNka:
Ni attested in Tamil in the meaning ‗overseer‘, a meaning that would
Parpola, Asko 117
suit very well for instance its occurrence on an ancient seal-impression on
a potsherd from Mohenjo-daro (M-1382) (cf. Parpola 1994: 215; 275).
"Lost" longer texts (manuscripts) never existed
All literary civilizations produced longer texts but there are none from the
Indus Valley — hence the Indus ―script‖is no writing system: Farmer and
his colleagues reject the much repeated early assumption that longer texts
may have been written on ―birch bark, palm leaves, parchment, wood, or
cotton cloth, any of which would have perished in the course of ages‖as
suggested by Sir John Marshall in 1931 (I, 39). Farmer and his colleagues
are ready to believe the ―Indus script thesis‖only if an Indus text at least
50 signs long is found.
But even though Farmer and his colleagues speak as if our present corpus
of texts was everything there ever existed, this is not the case. More than
2100 Indus texts come from Mohenjo-daro alone, and yet less than one
tenth of that single city has been excavated. Farmer and his colleagues do
not know what has existed and what may be found in the remaining parts
of the city, even if it is likely that only imperishable material of the kinds
already available continue to be found. The Rongo-Rongo tablets of
Easter Island are much longer than 50 signs. But does this make it certain
that they represent writing in the strict sense?
Seed evidence shows that cotton has been cultivated in Greater Indus
Valley since Chalcolithic times, and cotton cloth is supposed to have been
one of the main export item of the Harappans. Yet all the millions of
Harappan pieces of cotton cloth have disappeared for climatic reasons,
save four cases where a few microscopic fibers have been preserved in
association with metal (cf. Possehl 2002: table 3.2, with further
references). Alexander‘s admiral Nearchus mentions ―thickly woven
cloth‖used for writing letters in the Indus Valley c 325 BC. Sanskrit
sources such as the Ya:jñavalkya-Smrti (1,319) also mention cotton cloth,
(ka:rpa:sa-)paTa, as writing material around the beginning of the
Christian era. But the earliest preserved examples date from the 13th
century AD (cf. Shivaganesha Murthy 1996: 45-46; Salomon 1998: 132).
Emperor Asoka had long inscriptions carved on stone (pillars and rocks)
all around his wide realm in 260 to 250 BC. They have survived. But also
manuscripts on perishable materials must have existed in Asoka‘s times
and already since the Achaemenid rule started in the Indus Valley c 520
BC. This is suggested among other things by the mention of lipi ‗script‘
in Pa:Nini‘s Sanskrit Grammar (3,2,21) which is dated to around 400-350
118 Airāvati
BC. Sanskrit lipi comes from Old Persian dipi ‗script‘. The earliest
surviving manuscripts on birch bark, palm leaves and wooden blocks date
from the 2nd century AD and come from the dry climate of Central Asia
(cf. Shivaganesha Murthy 1996: 24-36; Salomon 1998: 131). We can
conclude that manuscripts on perishable materials have almost certainly
existed in South Asia during 600 years from the start of the Persian rule
onwards, but they have not been preserved; this period of 600 years with
no surviving manuscripts corresponds to the duration of the Indus
Civilization.
No cursive variant of the Indus script developed — hence no scribes
The sixth argument of Farmer and his colleagues is based on the
observation that everywhere scribes writing manuscripts tended to
develop a cursive style. From the fact that the Indus script changed very
little during its 600 years of existence they conclude that there were no
longer texts nor any scribes.
But the Egyptian hieroglyphs preserved their monumental pictographic
shapes for 3000 years.The Egyptian cursive hieratic style of papyrus
manuscripts does not differ so very much from the monumental
hieroglyphs. The difference between Maya manuscripts and monumental
inscriptions is not all that great, either.
Actually there is quite a lot of graphic variation in the Indus signs (see the
sign list in Parpola 1994: 70-78, fig. 5.1), and in my opinion this variation
provides also an important key to their pictorial or iconic understanding.
On the other hand, the Indus script emerges in the Mature Harappan
period already more or less fully standardized, and by this time a lot of
shape simplification or creation of a more cursive script had already taken
place.
No writing equipment has been found
No writing equipment has been found, hence Farmer and his colleagues
conclude that there were no scribes nor any manuscripts. Four
archaeologists specializing on the Indus Civilization have interpreted
some finds as writing equipment, but their suggestions ―are no longer
accepted by any active researchers‖(Farmer et al. 2004: 25).
But thin metal rods, such as used in South India to incise palm leaf
manuscripts, could have early on corroded away or beyond recognition.
From painted Indus texts on Harappan pots (e.g. Sktd-3 from Surkotada
Parpola, Asko 119
in CISI 1: p. 392) and bangles (cf. Blk-6 from Balakot in CISI 2: p. 432)
we know that Indus people used brushes to write, although such brushes
have not survived or have not been recognized — and in North India
palm leaf manuscripts have been painted with brushes. For the record,
some of the provisional identifications for Harappan writing equipment
(Mackay 1938; Dales 1967; Konishi 1987; Lal 2002) were published
fairly recently, and two of these scholars are still themselves "active
researchers".
The Indus "script" signs are actually non-linguistic symbols
Instead of a language-based writing system, Farmer and his colleagues
(2004: 45) see in the Indus signs ―a relatively simple system of religiouspolitical
signs that could be interpreted in any language‖ The nonlinguistic
symbols of Mesopotamian iconography are said to be a
particularly close and relevant parallel, as they may be arranged in regular
rows with a definite order like the Indus signs.
But in Mesopotamian seal iconography, the non-linguistic symbols
usually occur as isolated signs, for instance near the gods they belong to.
Arranged in longer rows and with a definite order they occur only in very
limited contexts: mainly on stelae and boundary stones (kudurru) between
1600 and 600 BC. Mesopotamia was a literate civilization, and the
symbols on the boundary stones followed the order of divinities in curse
formulae written down in cuneiform texts — the symbols represented
deities invoked to protect the boundary stone (cf. Black & Green 1992:
15-16; 113-114).
Writing was known to the Indus people from Mesopotamia, but it was
consciously not adopted
Finally, Farmer and his colleagues ask themselves: ―The critical question
remains of why the Harappans never adopted writing, since their trade
classes and presumably their ruling elite were undoubtedly aware of it
through their centuries of contact with the high-literate Mesopotamians‖
(Farmer et al. 2004: 44). Their answer is that the Harappans intentionally
rejected writing for some such reason as the Celtic priests of Roman
times: for the druids were averse to encode their ritual traditions in
writing like the Vedic Brahmins of India (ibid.).
But it is not likely that the Harappans would have rejected writing for
such a reason because: adopting writing did not oblige them to divulge
their secret texts, which could be guarded in an esoteric oral tradition. In
120 Airāvati
any case literacy must have been fairly restricted. Even in Mesopotamia
literary texts were written down only long after the invention of writing.
It is true that some complex societies did prosper without writing — the
Incan empire for example used instead a complex communication system
of knotted strings. But writing does offer advantages not easily discarded.
We can indeed ask a counter question: Why was the Indus script created?
In my opinion for economic and administrative reasons, like the Archaic
Sumerian script. This is strongly suggested by the fact that the majority of
the surviving texts are seal stamps and seal impressions quite clearly used
in trade and administration (cf. Parpola 1994: 113-116). But proper
judgement requires acquaintance with the evolution of the Indus
Civilization. (The following short overview is mainly based on Possehl
2002).
The Indus Civilization came into being as the culmination of a long
cultural evolution in the Indo-Iranian borderlands. From the very
beginning, this was the eastern frontier of a large cultural area which had
Mesopotamia as its core pulsating influence in all directions. In Western
Asia, the domestication of animals and plants started by 8000 BC. This
revolution in food production reached the mountain valleys of western
Pakistan by 7000 BC. From the Neolithic stage, about 7000-4300 BC,
some twenty relatively small villages are known, practically all in
highland valleys. People raised cattle, sheep and goats. They cultivated
wheat and barley, and stored it in granaries. Pottery was handmade, and
human and bovine figurines reflect fertility cults. Ornaments reflect
small-scale local trade.
During the Chalcolithic phase, about 4300-3200 BC, the village size grew
to dozens of hectares. Settlements spread eastwards beyond the Indus up
the ancient Sarasvati river in India, apparently with seasonal migrations.
Copper tools were made, and pottery became wheel-thrown and
beautifully painted. Ceramic similarities with southern Turkmenistan and
northern Iran also suggest considerable mobility and trade.
In the Early Harappan period, about 3200-2500 BC, many new sites came
into existance, also in the Indus Valley, which was a challenging
environment on account of the yearly floods, while the silt made the
fields very fertile. Communal granaries disappeared, and large storage
jars appeared in house units. Potter‘s marks suggest private ownership,
and stamp seals bearing geometrical motifs point to development in
administration. Irrigation canals were constructed, and advances were
made in all crafts. Mastery of air reduction in burning enabled making
Parpola, Asko 121
high quality luxury ceramics. Similarities in pottery, seals, figurines,
ornaments etc. document intensive caravan trade with Central Asia and
the Iranian plateau, including Shahr-i Sokhta in Seistan, where some
Proto-Elamite accounting tablets have been discovered. There were
already towns with walls and a grid pattern of streets, such as Rahman
Dheri. Terracotta models of bullock carts attest to improved transport in
the Indus Valley, which led to considerable cultural uniformity over a
wide area, especially where the Kot Diji style pottery was distributed.
The relatively short Kot Diji phase between 2800 and 2500 BC turned the
Early Harappan culture into the Mature Indus Civilization. During this
phase the Indus script came into being, as the recent American
excavations at Harappa have shown. Unfortunately we still have only few
specimens of the early Indus script from this formative phase (see CISI 3:
pp. 211-230). At the same time, many other developments took place. For
instance, the size of the burned brick, already standardized during the
Early Harappan period, was fixed in the ratio 1:2:4 most effective for
bonding.
During the Indus Civilization or Mature Harappan phase, from about
2500 to 1900 BC, the more or less fully standardized Indus script was in
use at all major sites. Even such a small site as Kanmer in Kutch, Gujarat,
measuring only 115 x 105 m, produced during the first season of
excavation in 2005-2006 one clay tag with a seal impression and three
carefully polished weights of agate (Kharakwal et al. 2006: figs. 11-12).
During the transition from Early to Mature Harappan, weights and
measures were standardized, another very important administrative
measure suggesting that economic transactions were effectively
controlled. Weights of carefully cut and polished stone cubes form a
combined binary and decimal system. The ratios are 1/16, 1/8, 1/6, 1/4,
1/2, 1 (= 13 g), 2, 4, 8, 16, ... 800.
By about 2500 BC, the Harappan society had become so effectively
organized that it was able to complete enormous projects, like building
the city of Mohenjo-daro. The lower city of at least 80 hectares had
streets oriented according to the cardinal directions and provided with a
network of covered drains. Many of the usually two-storied houses were
spacious and had bathrooms and wells. The water-engineering of
Mohenjo-daro is unparallelled in the ancient world: the city had some 700
wells constructed with tapering bricks so strong that they have not
collapsed in 5000 years. Development of water traffic made it possible to
transport heavy loads along the rivers, and to start direct trade with the
122 Airāvati
Gulf and Mesopotamia. Over thirty Indus seals and other materials of
Harappan origin, such as stained carnelian beads, have been found in
Western Asia.
That the numerous Indus seals were used to control trade and economy is
certified by the preservation of ancient seal impressions on clay tags that
were once attached to bales of goods and otherwise to safeguard property.
There are impressions of clothing and knotted strings on the reverse of
these clay tags, such as the one found at Umma in Mesopotamia (cf.
Parpola 1994: fig. 7.16). Almost one hundred such clay tags come from
the port town of Lothal on the coast of Gujarat (see CISI 1: pp. 268-289).
A warehouse had burned down and therewith baked and preserved these
tags. Many of them bear multiple seal impressions, some involving four
different seals, as does the clay tag K-89 from another site, Kalibangan.
The practice suggests the use of witnesses. Such bureaucratic procedures
imply keeping records comparable to the economic tablets of
Mesopotamia. Registers and other official documents — the kind of
longer texts that I miss — are likely to have been written on palm leaves,
cotton cloth or other perishable material that has not survived for climatic
reasons.
I spoke earlier of sign duplications that imply quantification. The small
bifacial tablets mainly known from Harappa had some economic and
ritual function. At the right end of the tablet M-478 from Mohenjo-daro
(cf. CISI 1: p. 115 & Parpola 1994: 109 fig. 7.12), we see a worshipper
kneeling in front of a tree, undoubtedly sacred, and extending towards the
tree what looks like a pot of offerings shown in profile. The
accompanying inscription, read from right to left, begins with a U-shaped
sign similar to the assumed pot of offerings, preceded by four strokes that
represent number four. One side of most tablets from Harappa usually has
nothing but this pot-sign, preceded by one to four vertical strokes for the
numbers 1 to 4. In some cases, as in the tablet H-247, the pot-sign is held
by a kneeling worshipper, as in the scene of the tablet M-478. In Harappa,
many identical tablets have been found in one and the same location.
They may have been distributed by priests to people who brought a given
amount of offerings, either as receipts that dues had been paid to the
temple, or as protective amulets in exchange of offerings. In either case,
the priests probably kept some kind of log of the transactions. In a South
Indian village where I have done field work (Panjal in Kerala), I have
witnessed how each house brings one or more vessels full of paddy to the
local shrine at festivals, to be managed for common good by temple
priests.
Parpola, Asko 123
Conclusion: Is the Indus script writing or not?
So is the Indus script writing or not? We have seen that all evidence
adduced by Farmer and his colleagues is inconclusive: none of it can
prove their thesis that the Indus script is not writing but only nonlinguistic
symbols, "a relatively simple system of religious-political signs
that could be interpreted in any language‖ (Farmer & al. 2004: 45).
The question requires the consideration of some further issues. One of
these is the fact that non-linguistic symbol systems (―potter‘s marks‖and
iconographic symbols) existed as early as since 3300 BC not only in
northern Indus Valley but also in Baluchistan, Seistan & Kerman on the
Iranian Plateau and in southern Turkmenistan, a circumstance not
mentioned by Farmer and his colleagues (cf. Vidale 2007).
In contrast to these relatively simple systems of non-linguistic pot-marks,
the Indus script has a great number of different signs, around 400, and
they have been highly standardized. Moreover, the signs are usually
neatly written in lines, as is usual in language-bound scripts. The normal
direction of writing is from right to left; this is the direction of the
impressions made with seal stamps, which were carved in mirror image.
Occasionally the seal-carver ran out of space, and in such cases he
cramped the signs at the end of the line to preserve the linear order. For
instance in the seal M-66 from Mohenjo-daro, the single sign of the
second line is placed immediately below the space which had proved too
small. The three last signs thus have the same sequence as the last three
signs in the seal M-12 from Mohenjo-daro.
But the most important characteristic of the Indus texts from the point of
view of speech-encoding becomes evident if we do not limit the
observation of sign repetition to single inscriptions as Farmer and his
colleagues do. The fact is that the Indus signs form a very large number
of regularly repeated sequences. The above discussed sequence of the
three last signs in the seals M-66 and M-12 occurs in Indus inscriptions
about 100 times, mostly at the end of the text. The order of these three
signs is always the same, and this sequence is recorded from nine
different sites, including two outside South Asia, one in Turkmenistan
and one in Iraq (see fig. 2). If the Indus signs are just non-linguistic
symbols as Farmer and his colleagues maintain, for what reason are they
always written in a definite order, and how did the Indus people in so
many different places know in which order the symbols had to be written?
Did they keep separate lists to check the order? And one should note that
there are hundreds of regular sequences that occur several times in the
124 Airāvati
texts. The text of eleven signs written on top of fig. 2 (attested in several
identical tablets from Harappa: H-279 through H-284, see CISI 1: p. 222-
223; and H-871 through H-873, see CISI 2: p. 335) can be broken into
smaller sequences all of which recur at several sites (see fig. 2). As this
small example shows, the texts even otherwise have a regular structure
similar to linguistic phrases. The Indus signs do not occur haphazardly
but follow strict rules. Some signs are usually limited to the end of the
text, and even when such a sign occurs in the middle of an inscription, it
usually ends a recurring sequence. Some other signs are limited to the
beginning of the text, but may under certain conditions appear also in
other positions. And so forth. (See Parpola 1994: 86-101).
Fig. 2 : Indus signs occur in strictly ordered sequences that recur at many different sites.
Table compiled by AP for this paper
The unrelated graffiti scratched on pots at the Megalithic site of Sanur in
South India (see fig. 3) offer a contrasting example. Three signs occur
many times together, but their order varies. It does not matter in which
order they are placed. This is what one normally expects from nonlinguistic
symbols. I do not believe that these Megalithic graffiti represent
real writing in the sense of speech-encoding, but are non-linguistic
symbols.
Parpola, Asko 125
The Indus sign sequences are uniform all over the Harappan realm in
South Asia, suggesting that a single language was used in writing. By
contrast, both native Harappan and non-Harappan sign sequences occur
on Indus seals from the Near East, the sequences usually being in
harmony with the shape of the seal: square seals are typical of South Asia,
round seals are typical of the Gulf and cylinder seals are typical of
Mesopotamia. One would expect that the most frequently attested Indus
sign would very often occur next to itself, but this is never the case in the
Indus Valley. The combination is however attested on a round Gulf-type
seal coming from the Near East, now in the British Museum (BM
120228). This seal contains five frequently occurring Indus signs but in
unique sequences (cf. Parpola 1994: Fig. 8.6). This suggests that
Harappan trade agents who resided in the Gulf and in Mesopotamia
became bilingual and adopted local names, but wrote their foreign names
in the Indus script for the Harappans to read. The cuneiform texts in fact
speak not only of a distant country called Meluhha which most scholars
equate with Greater Indus Valley, but also of a village in southern
Mesopotamia called Meluhha whose inhabitants had purely Sumerian
names.
Farmer and his colleagues claim that the Indus script is a system of nonlinguistic
symbols that can be understood in any language. They suggest
that it belongs to the category which Andrew Robinson (2002: 30)
proposes to call ―proto-writing‖, and to which he assigns ―Ice Agecave art,
Amerindian pictograms, many modern road signs, mathematical and
scientific symbols and musical notation‖. The speech-bound scripts or in
Robinson‘s terms ―full writing ― came into being with the phonetization
of written symbols by means of the rebus or picture puzzle principle.
Let us consider the rebus principle utilized in logo-syllabic scripts. Most
signs were originally pictures denoting the objects or ideas they
represented. But abstract concepts such as ‗life‘ would be difficult to
express pictorially. Therefore the meaning of a pictogram or ideogram
was extended from the word for the depicted object to comprise all its
homophones. For example, in the Sumerian script the drawing of an
arrow meant 'arrow', but in addition 'life' and 'rib', because all three words
were pronounced alike in the Sumerian language, namely ti. Homophony
must have played a role in folklore long before it was utilized in writing.
The pun between the Sumerian words ti 'rib' and ti 'life' figures in the
Sumerian paradise myth, in which the rib of the sick and dying water god
Enki is healed by the Mistress of Life, Nin-ti. But the Biblical myth of
Eve's creation out of Adam's rib no more makes sense because the
original pun has been lost in translation: ‗rib‘ in Hebrew is Sela:c and has
126 Airāvati
no connection with Eve's Hebrew name H‘awwa:, which is explained in
the Bible to mean ―mother of all living‖ (Cf. Parpola 1994: 102.) The
point is that homophony usually is very language-specific, and rebuses
therefore enable language identification and phonetic decipherment.
Fig. 3 : Pottery graffiti from the Megalithic site of Sanur in TamilNadu, South India. After
Banerjee & Soundara Rajan 1959: 32, fig. 8.
Since the appearance of my criticism in 2005, Farmer and his colleagues
have underlined that the rebus principle is occasionally used also in
symbol systems not so tightly bound to language3. As an example they
mention the use of rebus puns to express proper names in the otherwise
Parpola, Asko 127
clearly non-linguistic communication system of heraldry. But by
definition any ancient or modern symbol system which consciously uses
rebuses and which therefore at least partially can be read phonetically
counts as full writing.
Even short noun phrases and incomplete sentences qualify as full writing
if the script uses the rebus principle to phonetize some of its signs. (Cf.
Robinson 1995: 12.) Archaic Sumerian is considered a full writing system,
because it occasionally uses rebus puns, for instance on a tablet, where
the single word gi ‗reimburse‘ (expressed by the sign depicting 'reed' = gi
in Sumerian), constitutes the very incomplete phrase in its own
compartment that constitutes a text unit (cf. Robinson 2002: 26). Even in
later times, the Sumerian script had more logograms than syllabic signs,
although with time the number of phonetic signs increased. When the
cuneiform script was adapted for writing the Akkadian language, the
system could be improved upon, and the script became almost fully
phonetic.
The Egyptian script around 3100-3000 BC was used in a number of very
short inscriptions, often consisting of just two signs, which recorded
proper names but with a very high percentage of the signs used as rebuses
(see e.g. Schott 1951). The famous palette of King Narmer with an
inscription already quoted above is a good example. This is definitely
already a writing system, even if the texts are on average shorter than the
Indus texts! Here two rebus signs express the proper name of King
Narmer, whose feats are related in a non-linguistic way in the pictures
taking up the rest of the palette, yet with many formalized conventions.
This is fully parallel to the use of rebus symbols to express proper names
in the non-linguistic communication system of heraldry or coats of arms.
The new thesis helps to understand the Indus Civilization better than
the writing hypothesis
As to the very last point raised, and claim made, by Farmer and his
colleagues in their 2004 paper, I honestly cannot understand how the
hypothesis that the Indus signs are non-linguistic symbols helps us to
understand the Indus Civilization much better than the hypothesis that the
Indus script is a logo-syllabic writing system. In a logo-syllabic script the
signs may denote what they depict, or they may be used as rebuses.
Before we can even start pondering their use as rebuses, we must clear up
their iconic meaning. This necessary first step is identical with the efforts
of Farmer and others to understand the Indus symbols as pictograms.
128 Airāvati
As an example of my own efforts to understand the pictorial shapes of the
Indus signs, I would like to mention my interpretation of one particular
sign as depicting the palm squirrel (Parpola 1994: 103 with fig. 7.1): the
sign clearly represents an animal head downwards, tail raised up and four
legs attached to a vertical stroke representing tree trunk. The palm
squirrel spends long times in this pose, wherefore it is called in Sanskrit
‗tree-sleeper‘. In seal texts, the sign is more likely to have been used as a
rebus rather than in its iconic meaning (for my interpretation see Parpola
1994: 229-230). Could the non-linguistic approach of Farmer and his
colleagues offer a better explanation for the meaning of this sign?
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human past. (Occasional paper 2.) Kyoto: Indus Project,
Research Institute for Humanity and Nature.
Konishi, Masatoshi
1987. Writing materials during the Harappan period. Pp. 213-
217 in: B.M. Pande & B.D. Chattopadhyaya (eds.), Archaeology
and History: Essays in memory of Shri A. Ghosh. Delhi: Agam
Kala Prakashan.
Lal, B.B.
2002. The Sarasvati flows on: The continuity of Indian culture.
New Delhi: Aryan Books International.
Mackay, E.J.H.
1938. Further excavations at Mohenjo-daro, I-II. Delhi:
Manager of Publications, Government of India.
Mahadevan, Iravatham
1977. The Indus script: Texts, concordance and tables.
(Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, 77.) New
Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.
Marshall, John (Ed.)
1931. Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civilization, I-III. London:
Arthur Probsthain.
130 Airāvati
Possehl, Gregory L.
2002. The Indus Civilization: A contemporary perspective.
Walnut Creek, CA: Alta Mira Press.
Parpola, Asko
1994. Deciphering the Indus script. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
2005. Study of the Indus script. Transactions of the International
Conference of Eastern Studies 50: 28-66.
Robinson, Andrew
1995. The story of writing. London: Thames and Hudson.
2002. Lost languages: The enigma of the world‘s undeciphered
scripts. New York: McGraw Hill.
Salomon, Richard
1998. Indian epigraphy. New York: Oxford University Press.
Schott, Siegfried
1951. Hieroglyphen: Untersuchungen zum Ursprung der Schrift.
(Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur [in Mainz],
Abhandlungen der Geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse,
Jahrgang 1950, Nr. 24.) Mainz: Verlag der Akademie der
Wissenschaften und der Literatur.
Shivaganesha Murthy, R. S.
1996. Introduction to Manuscriptology. Delhi: Sharada
Publishing House.
Vidale, Massimo
2007. The collapse melts down: A reply to Farmer, Sproat &
Witzel. East and West 57 (1-4): 333-366.
Parpola, Asko 131
Notes
1 This paper was written for, and presented at, the workshop on ―Scripts,
non-scripts and (pseudo-)decipherment‖ organized by Richard Sproat and
Steve Farmer at the Linguistic Society of America's Linguistics Institute
on the 11th of July 2007 at Stanford University
(http://serrano.ai.uiuc.edu/2007Workshop/). It was also read as a public
lecture at the Roja Muthiah Research Library, Chennai, on the 16th of
February 2008. I thank the organizers of both events for this opportunity
to participate in the debate on the nature of the Indus script, and am glad
to publish the paper in honour of my old friend Iravatham Mahadevan, a
great epigraphist.
2 The Indus texts are cited in this paper with their labels in the CISI (see
references).
3 From the abstracts of the Stanford workshop papers
(http://serrano.ai.uiuc.edu/2007Workshop/abstracts.html), I got the
impression that at least one of the three authors wants to back out from
their original thesis and change it into something else. While Farmer
repeats the claim that ―the so-called Indus script was not a speechencoding
or writing system in the strict linguistic sense, as has been
assumed‖, Witzel writes as if he and his colleagues had only claimed that
the Indus script does not SYSTEMATICALLY encode language in the
sense that ―Indus signs do not encode FULL phrases or sentences‖(my
emphasis, AP). Witzel also admits that ―Indus symbols... may... contain
occasional puns‖ Or maybe, when speaking of recent studies which
suggest this, he is referring to me, since these have been my very
assumptions, namely that the Indus seals hardly contain complete
sentences and that they contain puns. In any case, I am happy if Witzel
has changed his previously more radical view and now agrees with me.
When I mentioned these impressions of mine at the Stanford workshop,
Michael Witzel assured me that he was not backing out from the original
claim but continues to maintain that the Indus script does not encode
language.

Indus script does encode a language

2009-04-26T18:27:00.002-04:00

Indus script does encode a language: New study reported in Science shows it was no mere ‘chain of symbols’

Chennai: Computation science, information theory, and machine learning have now come to the vindication of Indus Valley scholars – providing a new type of “quantitative evidence for the existence of linguistic structure in the Indus script, complementing other arguments that have been made explicitly or implicitly in favour of the linguistic hypothesis.” This quantitative evidence comes from the results of a statistical study published online recently in the journal Science ( http://www.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/abstract/1170391v1).

(Excerpt from http://www.hindu.com/2009/04/27/stories/2009042756902000.htm)

Who are the Indian Jews

2009-04-26T07:24:00.001-04:00

Who Are the Indian Jews? By Lavina Melwani

India has been a home and haven for generations of Jews whose ancestors fled from persecution centuries ago. At its peak there were about 37,000 Jews living in India.

http://www.beliefnet.com/Faiths/Judaism/2009/04/Who-Are-the-Indian-Jews.aspx

Ancient Christianity in India (older than Europe)

2009-04-25T22:22:00.002-04:00

http://www.pbs.org/wnet/religionandethics/episodes/april-24-2009/ancient-christians-in-india/2754/

Some Excerpts:

"*DE SAM LAZARO: *Long before it reached many parts of Europe, Christianitycame across the Arabian Sea to Kerala along the thriving spice trade routes.Today about seven million people, a fifth of Kerala’s population, callthemselves St. Thomas Christians after Jesus’ apostle, who many here believearrived in India in 52 A.D. Even today, parts of some liturgies are sung inSyriac, close to the Aramaic language spoken by Christ."

"Rev. *PAYYAPILLY*: We are Christians in faith, and we are Indian incitizenship, and we are Hindus in culture."

Sixth Sense for humans at MIT

2009-03-27T20:05:00.000-04:00

Pattie Maes demos the Sixth Sense Video on TED.com
Source: www.ted.com
TED Talks This demo -- from Pattie Maes' lab at MIT, spearheaded by Pranav Mistry -- was the buzz of TED. It's a wearable device with a projector that paves the way for profound interaction with our environment. Imagine "Minority Report" and then somePattie Maes demos

Sanskrit, our crowning glory (By Dr. Karan Singh)

2009-03-25T06:45:00.001-04:00

Sanskrit : our crowning glory (By Karan Singh, December 21, 1998, Hindustan Times, India)

THERE ARE at least four good reasons why Sanskrit studies need to be encouraged in this country and given an appropriate place in our educational system.

First, as a classical language, Sanskrit is recognised as being among the most remarkable to have emerged anywhere on this planet during the entire course of human history. Its grammatical structure is so exquisite, and its sonic quality so superb, that it is universally recognised as representing a high watermark of human linguistics. It is not necessary to quote numerous Indian and foreign scholars to support this view. Providing as it does the foundation for most of the other Indian languages, it is to them what Greek and Latin together are to most Western languages.

Secondly it, represents, as it were, the great Himalayas of our cultural life, towering as a magnificent testament to the creativity and genius of the Indian mind. It is rich with unbounded treasures —the Vedas, the Upanishads, the Brahmanas, the Aranyakas, the Puranas, the Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Yoga Shastras, which represent a cultural and spiritual tradition unique in its scope, depth and vitality, expressing the collective genius and richness of Indian civilisation. It also needs to be noted that Sanskrit has been enriched by people drawn from virtually all the linguistic and regional entities in India, from the mighty Himalayas down to Kerala and from Gujarat to Assam.
Though it was never the popular lingua franca, it quite clearly provided the basis of our civilisational unity which has survived incredible holocausts and vicissitudes, and without which there could well have been a dozen countries on the sub-continent in place of one India. In fact, it would be correct to say that Sanskrit is to Indian civilisation what Roman Catholicism is to the Latin American or Islam to the Arabic civilisations. In addition, the impact of Hindu and Buddhist cultures on South and Southeast Asia took place largely through Sanskrit texts which were later adapted to the languages of those areas.

Thirdly, in literature, Sanskrit has produced outstanding figures such as Kalidasa and Banabhatt, Bharavi and Jaideva, Bhartrihari and Kalhan who can be compared to any in the world. It is a misconception that Sanskrit is concerned only with spiritual wisdom. Sanskrit texts cover the entire gamut of human activity including politics, economics, aesthetics, law, grammar, prosody, psychology, mathematics, astrology, astronomy and medicine, to name only a few. Many of these disciplines are of immense importance in our contemporary situation. The discovery of the ‘zero’, which emerged from the concept of shunya (or void), was a defining event in the growth of human knowledge. The very numerals that the world uses today, known as Arabic numerals, flowed from Sanskrit numbers. This is not to take the narrowly chauvinistic attitude that seeks to trace all major concepts back to India, but to single out the incontrovertible contributions of Sanskrit to human culture and civilisation of which we can be rightly proud.

Fourthly, Sanskrit articulates significant global values. The Vedanta, which represents the apogee of Indian philosophy, is replete with concepts that are of tremendous contemporary significance. Such seminal ideas as the all-pervasiveness of the divine, the potential divinity immanent in each human being regardless of race, religion, caste or sex, the entire human race being an extended family; all religions representing different approaches to the same universal truth; the commitment to the welfare and happiness of the masses and so on are gaining increasing significance as our planet hurtles into an indeterminate future.

These values, which are very much in harmony with the values enshrined in our Constitution, need to be fully understood and interiorised, a process in which Sanskrit has a crucial role to play. The first two stanzas of our national song Vande Mataram are in Sanskrit, as is our national motto Satyameva Jayate. In the West, Latin and Greek are still taught, not to propagate Paganism but because they represent the very basis of Western civilisation. Why should we in India deny to millions of our citizens of their cultural heritage? Sanskrit should be an optional language for those who may wish to explore its many splendoured radiance; while alternate options for studying Arabic and Persian should also be provided, as these too are rich and powerful classical languages.

Varna and Jati: Social Structure of Hindus

2009-03-24T15:08:00.001-04:00

Varna vyavastha (literally, the class system) remains one of the most interesting and debatable topics in the study of Vedic culture. Since the Vedas remain an unraveled mystery even today due to the archaic Sanskrit in which they were composed, much of the ancient social history is derived from the extrapolation from the later history of Indian society. While most of the modern scholarship on this issue applies Marxist and Weberian themes to interpret this, I endeavor to take a fresh approach to demonstrate some of the lesser-known aspects of this system.

The Original System
The varna system illustrates the spirit of comprehensive synthesis, characteristic of the ancient Indian mind with its faith in the collaboration of races and the co-operation of cultures. Paradoxical as it may seem, the system of varna was the outcome of tolerance and trust. Though it may now have degenerated into an instrument of oppression and intolerance and tends to perpetuate inequality and develop the spirit of exclusiveness, these unfortunate effects were not the central motives of the varna system. The system of varna insisted that the law of social life should not be cold and cruel competition, but harmony and co-operation. Society should not be a field of rivalry among individuals. The varnas were not allowed to compete with one another. Varna divisions were based on individual temperament, and which were not immutable. Originally varnas were assigned to people based on their aptitude and qualities, but in later periods they were assigned based on birth. However, there are a number of exceptions in the entire period that shows the flexibility of the system.

There were four varnas: brahmin, ksatriya, vaisya and sudra. The basic idea was division of labor in the society. Brahmin was defined as brahman nayati iti brahmin. People who preached spiritual teachings to the society and lived spiritual lives were called brahmins. Ksatriya was defined as kseeyate traayate iti ksatriya. These were the people who protected the society against external attacks and maintained internal order. Vaisya was defined as visati iti vaisya. Businessmen, traders and farmers came under this category. Sudras were the people engaged in services. Carpenters, blacksmiths, goldsmiths, cobblers, porters etc., fell under this category. This system ensured that the religious, political, financial and physical powers were all separated into four different social classes. Due to this fair separation of political and intellectual powers, ancient Indian society could not turn itself into a theocratic or autocratic society.

In the beginning, there was only one varna in the ancient Indian society. “We were all brahmins or all sudras,” says Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (1.4, 11-5, 1.31) and also Mahabharata (12.188). A smrti text says that one is born a sudra, and through purification he becomes a brahmin. According to Bhagavada Gita, varna is conferred on the basis of the intrinsic nature of an individual, which is a combination of three gunas (qualities): sattva, rajas, and tamas. In the Mahabharata SantiParva, Yudhisthira defines a brahmin as one who is truthful, forgiving, and kind. He clearly points out that a brahmin is not a brahmin just because he is born in a brahmin family, nor is a sudra a sudra because his parents are sudras. The same concept is mentioned in Manu Smrti. Another scripture Apastamba Dharmasutra states that by birth every human being is a sudra. It is by education and upbringing that one becomes `twice born', that is, a dvija.
Manu sums up the relative status and functions of the varnas in the following verse of Manu Smrti: “The brahmin acquires his status by his knowledge, the ksatriya by his martial vigor, the vaisya by wealth; and the sudra by birth alone.” In the Bhagavada Gita, 4.13, Krsna says: "The fourfold varna has been created by Me according to the differentiation of guna (qualities)."
In Bhagavada Gita 18.41, Krsna states: "The devotees of the Lord are not sudras; sudras are they who have no faith in the Lord whichever be their varna.” Mahabharata says that a wise man should not slight even an outcaste if he is devoted to the Lord; he who looks down on him will fall into hell. SantiParva, Mahabharata also says that there is no superior varna. The universe is the work of the Immense Being. The beings created by him were only divided into varnas according to their aptitude.

Bhagavada Gita also says, "Of brahmins, ksatriyas and vaisyas, as also the sudras, O Arjuna, and the duties are distributed according to the qualities born of their own nature." According to the Hitopades, all mankind is one family. Manu Smrti (11.157) says, "Just as a wooden toy elephant cannot be a real elephant, and a stuffed deer cannot be a real deer, so, without studying scriptures and the Vedas and the development of intellect, a brahmin by birth cannot be considered a brahmin.”

In my opinion, all the above quotations and references point out that the varnas were designated to a person based on one's aptitude, quality, mental state and characteristic. Although birth or parentage may have played an important role in the later times, the original system seems to be based on the quality of a person rather than on birth alone. Even when the varna was ascribed based on birth, there are a number of examples from the mythology and history of ancient India to demonstrate the flexibility and mobility among the varnas.

Vyäsa, a brahmin sage and the most revered author of many Vedic scriptures including the Vedas, Mahabharata, Bhagavada Gita and Bhagavata Purana, was the son of Satyavati, a sudra woman. Vyäsa's profound knowledge of the Vedic wisdom established him as a brahmin even though he was born of a sudra mother. Vyäsa's father, Päräsara, was also a son of a candala woman and yet was considered a brahmin based on his Vedic wisdom. Another popular Vedic sage, Välmiki was initially a hunter. He came to be known as a brahmin sage on the basis of his profound knowledge of the scriptures and his authorship of the Rämäyana. According to Rig Veda (IX.112.3), the poet refers to his diverse parentage: “I am a reciter of hymns, my father is a physician and my mother grinds corn with stones. We desire to obtain wealth in various actions.” Sage Aitareya, author of Aitareya Upanisad, was born of a sudra woman. Vasishtha, son of a prostitute, was established as a brahmin and Rig Veda book VII is attributed to him. In Chandogya Upanisad, the honesty of Satyakäma establishes his brahminhood, even though his ancestry is unknown as he is the son of a maidservant. Visvamitra, born in a ksatriya family becomes a sage, and hence a brahmin, based on his asceticism. Some Rig Veda hymns are attributed to him. The priest Vidathin Bhärdväja became a ksatriya as soon as he was adopted by King Bharata and his descendents were the well-known Bharata ksatriyas. Janaka, a ksatriya by birth, attained the rank of a brahmin by virtue of his ripe wisdom and saintly character and is considered a rajarishi (king-sage). Vidura, a brahmin visionary, who gave religious and moral instructions to King Dhrtarashtra, was born to a woman servant of the palace. His varna as a brahmin was determined on the basis of his wisdom and knowledge of scriptures. The Kauravas and Pandavas were the descendants of Satyavati, a fisher-woman, and Vyäsa, a brahmin. In spite of this mixed heredity, the Kauravas and Pandavas were known as ksatriyas on the basis of their occupation. Ajamidha and Puramidha were admitted to the status of the brahmin class, and even composed Vedic hymns. Yaska, in his Nirukta, tells us that of two brothers, Santanu and Devapi, one becomes a ksatriya king and the other a brahmin priest. Kavasa, the son of the slave girl Ilusa, becomes a brahmin priest. The Bhagavata Purana tells of the elevation of the ksatriya clan named Dhastru to brahminhood. In the later Vedic times, Chandragupta Maurya, originally from the Muria tribe, goes on to become the famous Mauryan emperor of Magadha. Similarly, his descendant, King Asoka, was the son of a maidservant. The Sanskrit poet and author, Kalidasa is also not known to be a brahmin by birth. His works are considered among the most important Sanskrit works. In the medieval period, saint Thiruvalluvar, author of 'Thirukural' was a weaver. Other saints such as Kabir, Sura Dasa, Ram Dasa and Tukaram came from the sudra class also. Many of the great visionaries in modern India were not brahmins by birth but can be regarded as brahmins by their life-styles and teachings: Mahätmä Gändhi, Swämi Vivekänada, Sri Aurobindo, Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, Swämi Chinmayänanda etc.
Misconceptions about the Varna System

Heterodox ideologies such as Jainism and Buddhism have criticized the notions of varna-based svadharma (one's own duty), which inspired Arjuna to indulge in the Mahabharata war. Since Arjuna was a ksatriya, he was motivated to follow his duty of a warrior by Krsna.
Unfortunately, the original system is often either overlooked or misinterpreted. Let us examine some of the main concerns expressed about the varna system.

· Inequality: Does the varna system treat human beings unequally, with the brahmins at the top of the hierarchy and the sudras at the bottom? This is a common observation about the system which is based on the modern caste system rather than the ancient varna system. It is rarely observed that the social hierarchy is not just limited to Hinduism but it stays intact in any Indian religious society; Buddhists, Jainas, Sikhs, Christians and Muslims have their own caste hierarchies and restrictions. Even western societies have their own classes and groups. Thus, it is indeed a social phenomenon, which is not just limited to Hinduism or India. J. Muir has provided numerous passages from ancient Indian texts to demonstrate the equality of varnas.

Rig Veda II. 33. 13 speaks of "our father Manu" (pita nah). Note that all of mankind is described as having a single ancestor.

Taittareya Brahmana II.3.8.1. It describes the process of creation of human beings by Prajapati as follows: "... he reflected, after that he created men. That constitutes the manhood of men. He, who knows the manhood of men, becomes intelligent. Mind does not forsake him."

Satapatha Brahmana VII.5.2.6. This passage describes the process of creation of human beings by Prajapati as follows: "He formed animals from his breath, a man from his soul, a horse from his eye, a bull from his breath, a sheep from his ear, a goat from his voice." It is worth noting that here too the various objects of creation are being correlated to various parts of the body of Prajapati, as in the Purusa Sukta.

Brhadaranyaka Upanisad I. 4. 11-15. These passages describe the successive creation of the four varnas, in contrast to their simultaneous creation in the Purusa Sukta. Just as in the case of Manu where all of humanity is traced to a single parent, here all of humanity is traced to a single homogeneous class, to begin with.

Visnu Purana VIII. 138-140. According to this account when the Eden-like existence ceased: "At this juncture the perfect mind-born sons of Brahma, of different dispositions, who had formerly existed in the Satya age, were reproduced in the Treta as brahmins, ksatriyas, vaisyas, sudras, and destructive men." This means that the varna system characterises human life after the 'fall', as it were. It is a post-Lapsarian phenomenon. The development of 'castes' here represents a falling away from an earlier ideal condition, in which there were no varnas.

In Bhagavada Gita, it is clearly mentioned that sudra and women can achieve the liberation and it is not just limited to any one high caste.

Upanisads and other Vedic scriptures have mentioned at many places that the same Brahman exists in all the living beings and hence all are equal.

Mahabharata (III.216.14-15) mentions that a sudra can become brahmin by engaging in self-control, truth and righteousness.

H. T. Colebrooke, one of the early Sanskrit scholars wrote, “ Daily observation shows even the brahmin exercising the menial profession of a sudra. It may be received as a general maxim, that the occupation, appointed for each tribe, is entitled merely to a preference. Every profession, with few exceptions, is open to every description of persons; and the discouragement, arising from religious prejudices, is not greater than what exists in Great Britain from the effects of Municipal and Corporation laws.”

· Svabhäva by birth: In the varna system, one's svadharma is based on one's svabhäva. But how can svabhäva be fixed by birth? Is it a changeable substance? This debate is not fully resolved even by today's geneologists. According to the recent research, genes are much more responsible in fixing one's nature than they are given credit for. As more researches unfold, this mystery will unravel whether one's svabhäva is fixed based on one's birth or it can be changed by one's training.

· Coercion: Did the varna system deny the basic right to choose one's profession? Was one forced to perform one's svadharma even against one's call of conscience, e.g., Krsna motivates Arjuna to fight because he was born as a ksatriya? In the same war, there were many warriors who did not qualify fully as ksatriya by birth and still were fighting, e.g., Drona, Krpa, Asvatthämä, Karna, Bheeshma etc. Krsna did not ask Arjuna to fight just because he was born as a ksatriya but convinced him based on many other arguments. Whatever coercion may exist in the society could be argued as a social discipline. In the practical world, there would be complete chaos and disaster if the individuals stopped performing their duties. A well-balanced society definitely needs warriors, merchants, teachers and laborers. Hence, instead of one's unrestrained rights, one's duties are given more importance.

Conclusion
Varna system is one of the most debatable phenomena of India and is tarred with many controversies. However, on a deeper analysis one finds that the basic need for this system was simply to ensure a healthy and flexible society unlike the one which has been rigidified due to the colonial misinterpretation and mistreatment of varnas, resulting in the castes as we find them in the present day India . The original varna system was quite flexible in which one's varna could be changed based on one's skill and was not fixed as is often understood. Indeed, it was the colonization of India by the British in the 18th and 19th centuries that changed the varna system into the present rigid system of castes.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------
References
1. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, The Hindu View of Life,(HarperCollins, 1998)
2. Padmanabh S Jaini, “Values in comparative perspective: Svadharma versus Ahimsä”, Collected Papers on Buddhist Studies, (Motilal Banarasidas, 2001)
3. J Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, (Delhi, Oriental Publishers, 1972)
4. Steven Pinker, The Blank Slate: The Modern Denial of Human Nature, (Viking, 2002)
5. Nicholas B Dirks, Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India, (Princeton University Press, 2001)
6. Arvind Sharma, Classical Hindu Thought, (Oxford University Press, 2000)

First Ever Online Sanskrit Course

2009-03-04T20:36:00.006-05:00

Fall 2009 Course on Elementary Sanskrit
For the first time on the internet

FL 295 – 005 Tuesdays, Thursdays 6.00 to 7:15 pm, 202, Poe Hall and online at: http://delta.ncsu.edu/apps/coursedetail/index.php?id=FL:295::601:FALL:2009

Topics Covered

Alphabet, Grammar, Vocabulary and more…

" Sanskrit grammar is one of the greatest intellectual achievements of any civilization."

- A. L. Basham

For more info:

Dr. Pankaj Jain
Lecturer, Dept of Foreign Language & Literatures
pankajaindia at gmail dot com
http://www.indicuniversity.org/

Sanskrit is an Indo-European classical language of the Indian sub-continent, It is also a liturgical language of Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism, Jainism, and one of the 23 official languages of India.
Its position in the cultures of South and Southeast Asia is akin to that of Latin and Greek in Europe and Hebrew in Abrahmic Religions. It has evolved into, as well as influenced, many modern-day languages of the world. Dating back to as early as 1500 BCE, Vedic Sanskrit is the earliest attested Indo-Aryan language, and one of the earliest attested members of the Indo-European language family.

First Online Jainism Course

2009-03-04T20:33:00.007-05:00

New Course on Jainism and Nonviolence
For the first time on the internet

From Mahavira to Mahatma Gandhi: The Nonviolent Jain Traditions of India
Rel 298-004105 Withers Hall and online http://delta.ncsu.edu/apps/coursedetail/index.php?id=REL:298::601:FALL:2009
Wednesdays 6 – 8.50pm
Fall 2009 (Aug - Dec 2009)

Topics Covered

· Origin of Jainism
· Jain History
· Jain Theology and Practices
· Karma and Jain Philosophy
· Contemporary Jains
· Gandhi and Martin Luther King
· Nonviolence Today…

And more…

For more info:

Dr. Pankaj Jain
Lecturer, Dept of Foreign Languages and Literatures,
NC State University
pankajaindia at gmail dot com
http://www.indicuniversity.org/

Jainism is one of the oldest surviving religions that originated in India. Jains believe that every soul is divine and has the potential to achieve God-consciousness. Jainism was revived by a lineage of 24 enlightened ascetics culminating with Mahavira (600 BCE).

In the modern world, it is a small but influential religious minority with as many as five million followers in India, and successful growing immigrant communities in North America, Western Europe, the Far East, Australia and elsewhere. Historically, Jains have influenced other religious, ethical, political and economic spheres in India and beyond.

The most renowned nonviolent figure of our times Mahatma Gandhi was inspired by nonviolence and other Jain practices. Gandhi in turn inspired Dr. Martin Luther King, Nelson Mandela, Dalai Lama, and several other nonviolent movements globally.

To enroll: http://delta.ncsu.edu/apps/coursedetail/index.php?id=REL:298::601:FALL:2009

PBS Documentary on India on Jan 5th

2009-01-03T20:31:00.005-05:00

The Story of India on PBS

In this landmark six-part series for PBS and the BBC, Michael Wood will embark on a dazzling and exciting journey through today's India, "seeking in the present for clues to her past, and in the past for clues to her future".

Indian caste system and traditions linked to its politics and economy

2009-01-03T17:27:00.005-05:00

In his yet another excellent new article, Gurcharan Das links India's caste system and Rig Veda to Indian politics and economy:

New World Order by Gurcharan Das on NYTimes

More from Indian trip...(Dec 08)

2008-12-26T01:33:00.000-05:00

After a brief stay in Rajasthan, I went back to Mumbai and then to Nagpur, Maharashtra. Almost at every place, my thoughts kept turning optimistic and pessimistic. Almost every field where government continues to play a role, continues to suffer, most notably the civic amenities, the environment, and security. Just read a news story in Economic Times that 2008 was perhaps the best year ever for Indian sports with spectacular success in cricket, olympics, and many other sports. Wherever and whenever Indians can perform with their skill without the red-tape of the government, they have outperformed their rivals.

However, one major disappointment continues to be the environment. During the wedding ceremony that I attended, I saw unbelievable amount of wastage of food and plastic. After 12 years of stay in the USA, I naively wanted to recycle the plastic water bottles, only to be disappointed not to find even a garbage can. Sometimes, the train platforms had blue trash cans which I mistook for recylcing bins! Of course, littering continues to be a birthright of every Indian. Another birthright is to break every law while driving. Coming back to garbage generation and disposal, in 1960s and 1970s, the Western countries also had extremely polluted cities and rivers, but with tougher laws and active civic participation, they successfully cleaned their cities and rivers. Alas, India and China are making the same mistakes of early Western countries which Infosys co-founder has also noted in his latest bestselling book "Imagining India" but what he has missed is the situation with the agriculture and farmers. He criticizes Indian farmers for using outdated practices. However, I think that the traditional farming practices of India will be the future for farmers not only in India but even in the West. Soon, both the top-soil quality and even the quality of the food grains will be judged by the kind of farming practices. I visited the Ashrams of Mahatma Gandhi and Vinoba Bhave, at Vardha and Pavnar, both near Nagpur. At both the places, there are dozens of NGOs inspired by their visions of Agriculture as the backbone of Indian life and economy. All these NGOs use traditional farming such as organic fertilizers and prohibition of chemical fertilizers. It is these traditional Indian ideas that the West is just waking upto. In November, Bill Moyers, the anchor at the PBS, the "national" TV channel in the USA aired a major interview on the evils of Industrial farming in the USA. Sadly, I also found that the Indian big farmers elsewhere also use the similar Western agricultural practices that were adopted by Indian "green revolution". It seems like the perfect time to take the U-turn to traditional farming...

Some of us in the West wonder whether India will be able to sustain itself during this global recession. But everywhere I went in India, the first question people asked me was about the American recession and its cause. My answer was simple, one of the reasons for American recession was the "Chaarvak" habit of misusing the money taken on loan/credit/debt. Since most Indians even today spread themselves only within the bounds of their limitations, India will be able to sustain itself much better than the USA where even government has broken all past records of blowing the budget with huge debt and deficit. And nobody is talking of changing the lifestyle of the people and the government of spending within the means. On the other hand, Obama has generated optimism about USA even among Indians acknowledging that he has no magic wand.

Coming to Indian economy and its ability to match the growth of China, I think, India should NOT join the rat race of rapid growth. Instead of going for the rapid Chinese growth model, which leads to butchering of the environment and growing discontent among the farmers and other neglected sectors, India would do better to develop its own indigenous growth model which must be sustainable (based on the green technologies) and inclusive (where every part of its population shares the fruits of the economy). Of course, it is easier said than done, but wasn't Gandhiji had such a vision for India once? Unfortunately, the ecological disaster and attacks on Indian elite locations, once again highlights the mistakes India has made in its urge to imitate the West. The sooner India realizes that it must not become a mini America of the 1960s and 1970s, better for itself...

I will soon post my answers to the questions from Banswara children under the comments to the previous posting...

In India, after 2.5 years

2008-12-18T00:19:00.006-05:00

This time I felt a real change in even a small town like Banswara which now enjoys wireless broadband internet with international quality but unfortunately Mumbai has not changed even a bit in last 20 years or so that I have been observing, same pollution, traffic, negligible security even after the attack at the CST station.

Delhi, I have heard, has very aggresively improved its environmental situation with stringent pollution control, though I have not visited Delhi recently but Mumbai still lacks the political will. It is still very chaotic politically with Shiv Sena and other equally divisive organizations. Even congress has shown little interest to deal with the infrastructure or pollution or secutiry so far....may be that is why Sheela Dixit in Delhi keeps winning by working hard to improve Delhi.

Maybe the future is in towns like Banswara. I wish India sees its future in towns and villages like Banswara, the vision Gandhiji had once. After my Bachelor's degree, when I was working in Jodhpur and Udaipur, they seemed like a distant places compared to Mumbai. Now with internet and mobile phone revolution, every "sleepy village" of India has the same access to information as the big cities and that is a huge step forward...

The Gandhian vision could not be actualized while most of the villages were poor. So maybe it can happen now. Only if the people themselves were given more power to take their destiny in their own hands like the Panchayati Raj system that Gandhi had suggested...may be the information revolution will help further...

I went to a high school here in Banswara and about 2000 kids came to interact with me in their auditorium for two hours. I was astonished to see the intellectual energy of boys and girls. They had really challenging questions about India, USA, NRIs, their career, the dominance of English, importance of studying history, etc...
This is one of the biggest change at the grass root of India: a new energy unleashed because of the information revolution. The kids challenged me with the questions about Salman Rushdie, Arundhati Roy, Jhumpa Lahiri! Hopefully this young empowered generation will prevent idiots from assuming too much political control - although in the US that never happened. The promise of democracy at least allows the people to kick the idiots out every 5 years.

Fortunately, the liberalized economy keeps the govenment and politicians out which was not possible 20 yrs back, unfortunately the pollution contol and the action against terrorism still needs government intervention hence no hope in the near future for India's security and pollution control: thanks to the politicians.

Also visited couple of ancient temples in Chittorgadh, amazing Shiva Lingam
with scars of the sword of Ghazani, according to the local legends...

The questions from the students of New Look High School:

1. Is brain drain good for India? Shouldn't all Indians return to India and help India?
2. What is the need of studying history which is all about old forgotten people and places?
3. What is so glorious about Indian heritage which is full of child marriage, caste problems and sati (widow burning)?
4. Aren't NRIs like Sulman Rushdie and Arundharti Roy only after their personal gains? How are they helping India when they have even left their Indian citizenship.
5. How to deal with poverty and corruption of India?
6. What and how do you teach Indian films?
7. How to deal with huge population of India? Is there any hope?
8. How to think of Indian culture when we all want to focus on our career? Our parents also have limited info about both our future and about Indian culture.
9. Why dont you come back and teach all these cultural subjects right here in India?
10. Why should English be given importance in India?
11. Aren't foreign MNCs are all about profit? Why dont they invest in Indian villages?

Muslim Ethos In Indian Cinema

2008-10-04T11:19:00.000-04:00

Saturday, October 04, 2008 Indian Express

Muslim Ethos In Indian Cinema
—Iqbal Masud

In term of quantitative output - more than 800 films a year - the Indian cinema industry is the largest in the world. A major portion of the films constitute ‘popular’ of ‘commercial’ cinema. This term is not to be understood in any derogatory sense. Cinema is the main entertainment of the Indian masses and has been so since the 1930s. It has created archetypes, myths, icons which have dominated the Indian consciousness - and the Indian unconscious for the last 50 years. It’s a major source of collective fantasy.

There is another important aspect of Indian cinema. It caters to the needs of a population dazzlingly diverse in language, religion and culture. Today what is called the ‘regional’ cinema is as important as Hindi cinema. But Hindi cinema (with which this article will be concerned) was the primary source of themes and styles at least till the late 70s. It was in the domain of popular cinema that the diverse cultures of India met and negotiated their differences. They did not merge but they worked in harmony. In fact ‘harmony’ is the key world in India cinema. It is the one Indian cultural-industrial structure which has resisted separatism. It’s because of this element that Indian cinema has become over the past 50 years - despite its many distortions and contractions - a major instrument of national consolidation - a true unity in diversity. MIDBANNER
To this ‘unity diversity’ the Muslim ethos in India has made a notable contribution.

What is the ‘Muslim ethos’ in India? Very briefly, one can answer this question at two levels:

a) ‘Classical’ or high culture - a mix of Arabic-Perso-Turkish elements in historical work, fiction, music and painting such as in the work of poets and novelists like Ghalib, (or today Ms Qurratulain Hyder), artists like Abdur Rahman Chughtai, or the Ustads in the field of music.

b) At a popular or folk level, the work of Urdu dramatists like Aga Hashr Kashmiri used in popular theatre of the 1930s; the Nautanki Folk-theatre culture of Uttar Pradesh, compounded of mythological and folk tales rendered in song-dance and rustic revues in a mix of ornate Urdu and dialect Hindi of north India; and the rich Qawwali musical tradition, sufic in origin and retaining traces of devotional and ecstatic singing today.

As far as cinema is concerned, both these influences are important. The Muslim ethos in Indian cinema was not represented by ‘Muslim’ artists alone. A host of non-Muslims like Sohrab Modi, Guru Dutt or Shyam Benegal can well claim to be part of the ‘Muslim’ ethos of north India. There was, and is, certainly a ‘Muslim’ ethos of Bengal and South India which is equally important. But that deserves fuller treatment elsewhere.

The point is that in the popular entertainment genre par excellence - cinema - the ‘Muslim ethos’ was an important element since the 1930s - the coming of sound. It diminished after 1947 but remains an important element today. In fact the persistence of the ‘Muslim ethos’ in Indian cinema today is one of the most hopeful signs of Indian secularism. Manmohan Desai, prolific maker of film hits and part creator of the Amitabh Bachchan legend (the superstar of the 70s who signified the new angry hero culture) has said in a recorded discussion: If the Muslims don’t like a film it flops’.

One of the most important elements of the Indian film is music. A great music director, Naushad, brought both the vigour of Uttar Pradesh’s folk music and the grace of the old UP Nawab Courts to his immortal music of the 40s and 50s. The dialogue of the 30s and 40s ‘Muslim socials’ was in Persianised Urdu but even in ‘Hindi’ films today the dialogue is in Hindustani - perhaps the only place where this ‘language’ is practiced with ease and confidence.

In this matrix of music and dialogue, ‘high’ and ‘popular’ Muslim cultures come together. As late as the 60s, a film villain traps a heroine by using a disguise and quoting Ghalib: ‘Badal kar faqiron ka hum bhes ...’ Ghalib/‘Tamashai-I-abl-I-karam dekhte hain ...’ (we put on the garb of a beggar to test the generosity of the rich). The audience understood and applauded the quote.

Today this delicate irony may not be understood. But in the ’80s this last couplet of Sahir Ludhianvi sung in a film called Laxmi went to the heart of the audience: ‘Halat se ladna mushkil tha balat se rishta jod liya/ Jis raat ki koi subha nahin us raat se rishta jod liya...’. (I could not fight circumstances I compromised/I made a pact with endless night). The couplet lit up the films; it also seemed like an epitaph on Sahir.

I take these two examples to illustrate the Muslim ‘ethos’ which E.M. Forster once described as an ‘attitude towards life both exquisite and durable’. This attitude is denoted by a cultural elegance, irony, stoicism, a throw away humour, and what is called ‘grace under pressure’. Certainly such an attitude could be trivialised. But supreme artists like Dilip Kumar, Meena Kumari, Nargis and Shabana Azmi brought to this attitude a meaning and individuality of their own.

It would be appropriate at this stage to look at the Muslim ethos in a chronological fashion modified by the need to pursue specific trends back and forth across decades.

Devdas - Entry of the Laila - Majnu Myth

The first dominant note of the Muslim ethos was struck not in any specific Muslim film or by a Muslim director but in the film Devdas directed by PC Barua (1935) based on a novel by Sarat Chandra Chatterji (1917). This tale of two small town lovers torn apart by caste and class has haunted Indian cinema down the decades up to date. There are two elements in Indian cinema well analysed in another context by psychiatrists Sudhir Kakar and John M Ross in Tales of Love, Sex and Danger (OUP 1986) as the Radha-Krishna and Laila-Majnu traditions. Radha and Krishna are the divine lovers in human form in Hindu mythology, and Laila and Majnu are passionate but doomed lovers in Arabic and Persian folklore and literature.

The Radha-Krishna tradition, say the authors, is an evocation and elaboration of here-and-now passion, an attempt to catch the exciting fleeting moment of the senses, not tragic but tender and ultimately cheerful. In the Laila-Majnu tradition, love is the ‘essential desire of God; earthly love is but a preparation for the heavenly acme; the challenge to rights of older and powerful men to dispose of and control female sexuality; the utter devotion of the women lovers to the man unto death; loving in secrecy and concealment, yet without shame or guilt’.

Both the elements are fused in Devdas. The Radha-Krishna element dominates the first half; the Laila-Majnu element the second. There are two features common to both traditions. The love is not ‘spiritual’ love but sexual love raised to a spiritual plane. Secondly, to quote the 13th Century Persian mystic poet, Rumi: ‘The house of love has doors and roofs made of music, melody and poetry’. This is the distinctive contribution of the Muslim ethos to Indian cinema - the mix of Rumi’s three elements. You can go from Devdas to Barsaat in the ’40s or Pyaasa in the ’50s; Chaudvin Ka Chand in the ’60s; Pakeezah in the ’70s; Sagar (with Kamal Hasan, Dimple Kapadia, and Rishi Kapoor) in the ’80s. There is the same hunting mix of the two great religious-cultural traditions of our land.

Pukar - The Rise of the Shahenshah film

Pukar (1939) directed by Sohrab Modi with dialogues by Kamal Amrohi was the first notable ‘Muslim social film’. It was cast, no doubt in the Shahenshah (King of Kings) framework. Mughal emperor Jehangir, whose queen Noor Jehan has accidentally killed a washerman with an arrow, is faced with a demand for retributive justice by the widow. The emperor himself should be killed so that the queen be widowed.

Today Pukar looks dated and rhetorical. Yet it is important to isolate some elements which continue to surface in one form or another in the coming decades, from the 40s to the present. One was the idealisation of ‘Muslim’ rulership as one based on equal partnership with non-Muslims (even of the lesser castes) and a rough-and-ready Rule of Law. The roots of the archetype of task a ‘rough diamond’ were created - though in the film the Muslims and their ‘partners’ the Rajputs were anything but rough. The basic ideal was one of directness of approach of life.

A second element was the elegance of speech and surroundings which became a marked feature of Muslim social’ - meaning films dealing with Muslim families and social problems which will be dealt with later.

A third element was the stress laid on Hindu-Muslim ‘harmony’. Jehangir’s Prime Minister is a Rajput who fiercely guards his independence.

Another Shahenshah film was K Asif’s Mughal-e-Azam (The Grand Mughal). In a sense it’s an extension of the Pukar syndrome. The legendary love of court dancer Anarkali for Prince Jehangir, the great Emperor Akbar’s son, has elements of mystical passion in it. Akbar, played with rhetorical flourish by Prithviraj Kapoor, represents the ‘needs of the State’ which triumphs over love. The film is not a ‘classical’ work but a massive cultural artefact made unforgettable by the splendiferous sets and the majestic singing of the classical maestro Bade Gulam Ali Khan.

Mehboob - The Rise of Radicalism

Filmmaker Mehboob Khan sprang from the soil of Gujarat and his early work possessed both the rawness and the strength of Mother Earth. The evocation of the cycle of seasons, the beauty of the long bullock cart caravans, the sensuality of the women and the depiction of the brutal strength both of nature and human oppression came spontaneously to him.

Mehboob made a large number of films on diverse subjects - social, romance etc. But, in my opinion, his major contribution to films rests on three films - Aurat (1940) later remade as Mother India (1957) and Roti (1942).

Aurat/Mother India, is, of course, the seminal film of India cinema. It is reckoned that Mother India runs every day in some theatre in some part of India. What accounts for its success?

There are elements in the films which go deep into the Indian psyche and touch a chord which no one has ever touched before or since. It would be simplistic to call it ‘patriotism’. It is the summoning up of an entire ambience - the ambience of the ‘lost’ India for millions of urbanites, a call to Indians from their past - not a noble past but a credible and genuine past.

Mehboob gave the archetypal ‘Mother’ myth to India cinema. She is not an a sexual but a full blooded woman and equal partner in her husband’s labours (a point acutely noted by J Geetha, research scholar, Calicut University, in a paper read at a recent Women’s Films Seminar at Bangalore). The Mother upholds the dharma which the good son follows. When the ‘bad’ son transgresses it, he is killed.

But the bad son Birju (brilliantly played by Yacub in Aurat) has another and equally important side. He does not suffer patiently the landlord’s extortionism - as the Mother and the ‘good’ son do at least to some extent Birju is not merely a ‘rebel’. He is an ‘outsider’, no respecter of rules. There is a great scene in Aurat. Birju now grown into an illiterate dacoit, raids the moneylender’s house and destroys his account books saying, ‘This is the knowledge that has destroyed us’. That insight anticipates the French philosopher, Foucault by nearly two decades. Foucault remarked how ‘power’ is built around ‘knowledge’and how those outside the charmed circle will always be oppressed. That scene in Aurat has been duplicated in hundreds of films since then. Birju speaks for those who cannot speak - the deprived millions. He is the immortal ‘black’ hero.

Mehboob’s insight in Mother India profoundly affected the style and content of popular cinema. Ganga Jamuna in the 60s, Deewar (with Amitabh Bachchan in the 70s) and Ram Lakhan in the 80s (all hit films) are but inferior variations on Aurat’s theme. To quote Geetha, the Mother’s role is ‘mutated’ in the last two films and she becomes a domestic creature. All the same the basic patterns of Mother India persist today and will do so for a long time.

Roti hammers in Mehboob’s radicalism with even greater force. It analyses the ravages of urban capitalism and contrasts it with a rather idealised tribal life. But the point regarding the dehumanisation of industrialisation with consequent loss of sensuality - even humanity - is well brought out.

Mehboob’s contribution to cinema is so vast that one cannot even begin to do justice to it. He was an untutored genius. Therefore, he saw India with a clear - even ruthless - vision. In that respect he was like the great Urdu fiction writer, Saadat Hasan Manto.

Writers, Poets, Directors

From the 40s onwards a gradual and fruitful collaboration between film writers, poets, and directors emerged in Hindi cinema. The collaboration between Sohrab Modi and Kamal Amrohi was very successful. Modi had a rhetorical, regal approach to history and Amrohi complemented this by his flowery, ornate Urdu dialogue.

A digression is necessary here about the use of language in Hindi cinema. As mentioned earlier, till 1947 even ornate and ornamental Urdu was understood by a section of the masses. Their number gradually declined. In the 1980’s the Persianised dialogue of Amrohi’s Razia Sultan was understood by very few.

All the same the language of the popular ‘Hindi’ cinema has remained robustly Hindustani. From Mother India to Pyaasa to Deewar to the recent hit Maine Pyar Kiya, the dialogue writers have drawn expertly both from Urdu and Hindi. Saleem and Javed, high power film writers, working as a pair, started in the 70s a whole new trend in dialogue in Amitabh Bachchan hits like Sholay. It was macho, it was tough, but it was the pathos of the streets, and at a basic level (stripping away the bravado) also the language of the middle class.

The contribution of cinematic ‘Hindustani’ to national integration has yet to be recognised. The problem is, popular cinema is generally condemned as ‘trash’ without serious analysis.

After Amrohi, came a band of writers, a large number of whom were Muslims and also leftist progressives. They included very different kinds of personalities like KA Abbas, Zia Sarhadi, Abrar Alvi, poets Kaifi Azmi, Sahir Ludhianvi, Majrooh Sultanpuri, Jan Nisar Akhtar and many others. There were two characteristics of this group. Firstly they all came from middle class north Indian Muslim families and were steeped in both Hindi and Urdu cultures and secondly from the early 40s on they were committed leftists - some of them Party members, others active sympathisers.

The achievements of this group which disintegrated by the 70s have not been adequately assessed. As a group the writers brought genuine secularism - a feeling of active togetherness to popular cinema which in those years before TV and video held near complete sway over the collective unconscious. Let’s take a few of them. It was Zia Sarhadi’s spirited dialogue that lent the edge to Mehboob’s radicalism. KA Abbas brought the mix of revlt and romanticism which marks all of Raj Kapoor’s films from Awaara to Bobby. Abrar Alvi created the screen plays which allowed Guru Dutt to shift gradually from the high spirits of Aar Paar to the poetry of defeat of Pyaasa and Kaagaz Ke Phool. Alvi also directed Saheb Bibi Aur Ghulam.

Sahir - the incomparable Sahir, who can ever forget him? His name will live as long as Hindi cinema lives. A complete master of the technique of the classical ghazal and of the film lyric of Hindi greets and bhajans he captured the whole gamut of what Mathew Arnold called ‘the pain of living and the drug of dreams’. He was a visionary and also a caustic observer. See the ‘spread’ of his art in just three songs picked up at random:

‘Yeh takhton ye tajon yeh mehlon ki duniya agar mil bhi jaye to kya hai ...’ (This world of thrones, crowns and palaces What avails its gain?)

‘Aaj sajan mohe ang laga lo janam saphal ho jaye ...’ (Embrace me, my love make life triumph)

‘Jab amar jhoom ke nachega jab dharti naghme gayegi who subah kabhi to ayegi ...’ (The sky will swing and dance, the earth swing Some day that day will come).

There is one name that is as glorious as Sahir’s in Indian cinema - the name of Guru Dutt. It was he who brought one side of the ‘eth’ - its grace, its stoicism, its lyricism, also its self-indulgence - to fine flower in Indian cinema though only one of his films Chaudvin Ka Chand dealt ostensibly with a Muslim family. It was his art, that brought fame and recognition to Alvi and Sahir. In a sense Guru Dutt was the true sangam (confluence) of Hindu and Muslim cultures in cinema.

Actors and performers

Indian cinema is a performance-based cinema. The ‘New Cinema’ in the 60s began a shift towards film as cinematic image/language, but it has not reached out to the masses or even to substantial numbers of the urban middle class. So the actors/performers continue to rule the roast. Here the Muslim contribution has been substantial: Sardar Akhtar (Mother in Aurat), Nargis (Mother in Mother India), Dilip Kumar, Suraiya, Madhubala, Waheeda Rehman, Meena Kumari, Naseeruddin Shah, Shabana Azmi, Aamir Khan and Salman Khan.

Of these, Nargis is unquestionably the greatest actress of our cinema. Her range from the sensuous girl of Aag to the mature role in Mother India is astonishing. The contribution of India’s two greatest director - Raj Kapoor and Mehboob to the shaping of her classic performances should not be forgotten. At the same time, Raj Kapoor’s work is unthinkable without Nargis as is Mother India. In sheer versatility, Dilip Kumar ranks with Nargis. Tragic hero (Andaaz, Devdas) swashbuckler (Azaad) clown (Ram Aur Shyam), none else except Raj Kapoor equals him. Even today in a character role in Kanoon Apna Apna, he brings a thorough professionalism to his performance. Waheeda Rehman broke new ground for women’s roles in Hindi cinema in Pyaasa and Kaagaz Ke Phool.

Under Guru Dutt’s sensitive guidance, she travelled from street woman to comforter to ‘A Star is Born’ role. To see her and Meena Kumari perform in Saheb Bibi Aur Ghulam, to become aware of two great but different styles. Meena Kumari was the epitome of the grace of a dying culture which she lit up in a moment of final glory in Pakeezah.

Naseeruddin Shah and Shabana Azmi are the icons of New Cinema - of a new age, which demands understatement, self parody, ironic posture. Aamir and Salman Khan are icons of a still newer age - the age of post-modernism, all dazzle and glossy surface.

At a different level, comedians Johnny Walker and Mehmood are part of the legend of cinema. A clown has been a ‘must’ in Indian performance arts reaching back to Sanskritic antiquity. Walker and Mehmood brought the Modern Age to an ancient art: Walker in films like Pyaasa not only mimed a semi-inebriate but was the master of throwaway verbal humour. Mehmood had greater variety. He was a ‘body’ comedian who played - sometimes self indulgently - a variety of roles from a lumpen to a South Indian musician.

The Rise and Fall of the Muslim Social

The genre of the ‘Muslim Social’ is an important contribution to Indian cinema. The stylisation started with Pukar. Later it became less legal in films like Dard (of the 40s), Palkhi and numerous other films down to the 70s. Such films dealt with the Muslim North Indian middle class and its social problems spiced with ghazals and qawwalis. The most meaningful of them was Mehboob’s Elan (1947). This became a critique of the ghetto-like quality of certain segments of the Muslim middle class and emphasised the need for education of Muslim youth. The film had another striking feature. It gave a sympathetic portrait of a ‘Western’ wife introduced into a Muslim household. Elan was refreshingly novel here because even today a westernised woman is generally treated as a vamp in Indian cinema.

After Elan the Muslim Social declined into a sentimental, mushy affair. But it remained a popular genre. Guru Dutt made Chaudhvin Ka Chand (about the travails of lovers caught in the trap of ‘mistaken identity’ due to purdah) almost disdainfully to ‘make-up’, as he said, for the losses of Kaagaz ke Phool. But the typical Dutt obsession with frustrated passion raised the film to a notable level. vIn fact the Muslim Social charted the decline of the Muslim ashraf (the gentry) - a feature which comes through movingly despite the hackneyed trappings. In this sense Pakeezah (1971) was the ‘farewell’ film of the Muslim Social. Kamal Amrohi made this story of the tragedy of a courtesan with loving care. He got the period details right (the ashraf or landed gentry culture of Uttar Pradesh in the first half of the century) and the music and lyrics had both the nostalgia for a lost Eden and a lyricism all their own. But what really raised Pakeezah above the normal rut was Meena Kumari’s portrayal of a once gracious culture slowly disintegrating. The performance as well as the film were marvelous swan songs.

After the 70s, the Muslim Social gradually petered out because it no longer met the urgent need of harsher times.

The one film which drove home this message was MS Sathyu’s Garm Hawa released in the early 70s. Though it dealt ostensibly with the travails of a Muslim family in UP at the time of partition, it was really a reflection on the tragedy inflicted on Indian Muslims by the partition. The reflection was a product of bitter post-partition introspection. But it was touched by compassion and humanity.

From Shahenshah to Coolie

In the 70s, a new stereotype began to emerge. This was the common or garden Muslim. He would be a model of loyalty and discipline and when he died it would be with the Kalma (or Proclamation of Faith) on his lips. He no longer talked the flowery Urdu of the Shahenshah and the Nawabs but the patois of the street.

As mentioned earlier, Salim and Javed contributed to the toughening of the language. But Kader Khan as writer and Amjad Khan as the archetypal villain carried it further.

Kader Khan in Muqaddar Ka Sikandar and later on in Coolie introduced a note of religious mysticism. In Muqaddar ..., Amitabh Bachchan does not play a ‘Muslim’ role but he evokes the nuances to build up the portrait of a Dervish fulfilling an exalted mission. In Coolie, he portrays a Muslim coolie who becomes a revolutionary. The old Mehboob syndrome of Muslim radicalism is reproduced in Coolie. Amitabh carries a hawk named Allah Rakha on his wrist. This is a direct reference to poet Iqbal’s hawk (Shaheen) a central symbol in his poetry. Shaheen for Iqbal represented the aspiring, soaring spirit of man as in the line. ‘Tu Shaheen hai parwaz hai kaam tera...’ (you are a hawk, your destiny is flight).

Amitabh similarly soared in that film despite its formula trappings. The emotionally charged scene of departing Hajis, the pilgrims sailing to Mecca for the major Muslim festival of Id-ul-Baqr, at Bombay docks is played with a genuine empathy which enfolds the viewer. Coolie represents the rise and integration of the Common Muslim in the working masses of the country rebelling for change.

Facing the harsh 90s

Saeed Akhtar Mirza was part of the New Movement in cinema which rose to prominence from the late 60s onwards. His work has always been marked by an ‘adversary element’, meaning a critique of the status from a radical point of view. Arvind Desai Ki Ajeeb Dastan was a look at the frustrations of an idealistic youth caught in the trap of a feudal money culture, Albert Pinto Ko Gussa Kyon Aata Hai was a look both at the problem of class and ethnic identifications. Then followed tele-serials, the most notable being Nukkad (street corner). Here Mirza looked at the rising industrial urban culture from the worm’s point of view - the lower middle class of various communities buffeted by changes in the world above clinging to lost vestiges of dignity and meaning in life. It was one of the two or three outstanding tele-serials of the last decade. In fact, it was a cultural phenomenon.

In his Salim Langde Pe Mat Ro he examines the problems of Muslim lumpens in central Bombay. The film won the best Hindi film National Award for 1990.

What is impressive about the film is the multi-layered approach to the subject. It rises beyond its specific city and class and becomes a probing into the condition of Indian Muslims. The gradual economic and educational decline of urban Muslims is portrayed. Also the shift of the young to crime, a flight from a society which they feel rejects them. The problems of communalism, ghetto mentality, and search for an ethnic identity which does not clash with a national identity are also explored.

Salim reminds one of the French director Maurice Pialat’s film Police which deals with the problems of Algerians in Paris. Salim is a complex and reflective work which in itself is a search for identity. Indian Muslims have find a place in the increasingly metropolitan culture of India.

Salim is an extremely sensitive and intelligent attempt to depict this cultural process. It says there are no easy answers but it also opens up ways of resolving the crisis.

Muslim Contribution to Cinema - An Attempt at Harmony

To sum up: It’s a long journey from Pukar, to Salim Langde .... But it’s a splendid, coruscating one providing spectacle, beauty, wit, tragedy, high spirits - and a clear sighted introspection. It’s a rich mosaic of meaning, song and dance without which Indian cinema - in fact Indian culture - would be incomplete.

In one word the Muslim contribution to cinema is: Harmony.

In arrangement with Seminar on ‘Pluralism and Democracy in Bollywood’ organised by Teesta Setalvad

—Iqbal Masud

URL: http://www.screenindia.com/fullstory.php?content_id=9980

Expanding Our Musical Horizons

2008-07-13T09:29:00.003-04:00

Who doesn’t like melody? Whose heart doesn’t beat for Kishore Kumar’s yodeling? Whose ears don’t reverberate with Lata Mangeshkar’s eternal songs? Who doesn’t want to dance with Asha Bhosle’s scintillating numbers? Music is already in every heartbeat and yet in the humdrum and cacophony of hundreds of singers and thousands of albums among us, we still tend to miss the true music in its more intense and sublime melody. We seem to be content with the tip of the iceberg which floats on top of the water but that is only one tenth of the real content. Our fleeting lives just get spent listening to few repeated singers over and over again, be it Kishore Da of sixties or Udit Narayan of nineties or Sonu Nigam of 21st century. We never transcend the popular songs such as, Mere sapno ki rani (Aradhna), Papa kehte hain bada (QSQT), Mehdi laga ke rakhna (DDLJ), and of course, the recent hits from Veer Zaara, Lagaan, Chalte Chalte, Kal Ho Na Ho…..the list is endless. But, you get the point. We have virtually surrounded ourselves with popular film music and that seems to work for us. To some more ambitious folks, this boundary also encompasses few popular ghazals of Jagjit Singh, Pankaj Udhas and in rare cases some Bhajans of Anup Jalota.

To be sure, there is no need to advocate any boundary between popular and classical music. This dichotomy unnecessarily creates boundaries between melodies. Instead, all that is needed is to explore, experiment and expand our boundaries of melodies. If we have been listening mainly to Kishore Kumar, let us now try to immerse ourselves into Mohammad Rafi and see how this new musical wave refreshes us all over again. If we are already listening to Rafi Sahab, let’s get an album in which he has sung songs which are closer to a classical raga. Again, not to be frightened or overwhelmed with the word “classical”, but the idea is to expose ourselves to little different and melodious mood of music. There are actually several albums available in music stores and of course on internet websites which have collection of classical songs of several singers. As I am typing this, I have just now started playing Begum Akhtar’s album with her songs based on some classical ragas. This is the first time in my life that I am listening to her. I may not appreciate it for the first time, but as is often the case, true melody always “grows in” us. Even the Rahman music is often characterized in this fashion. We rarely appreciate Rahman music in our first attempt, but give it some time and something catches our attention and we fall in love with it. Who can forget, O Paalanhaare from Lagaan or some of his other songs? Simple reason that it “grows in” us is that his music has a background basis of some classical raga, either Hindustani or Karnatak style.

Similar is the case with several other songs which are based on classical ragas. We get overwhelmed with music which is shot at us from TV or Radio commercials but if we proactively discover true melody we will be surprised by what we have been missing all these years. A simple definition or criterion to judge true melody is that which is evergreen unlike a passing phase.

Let me refresh your memory with some such true gems of Manna Dey now. When was the last time you listened to poochho naa kaise maine rain bitaayee (Meri Surat Teri Aankhen), I assure you that this song can never become stale in your ears, again the simple reason is that it is based on Raga Ahir Bhairav. Similar is the case with another Manna Dey gem Laaga chunari main daag chhupaaoo kaise (Dil hi toh hai), this song is based on Raga Bhairavi. Both Bhairavi and Ahir Bhairav are morning ragas so as you listen to these two numbers, imagine yourself watching sun rise and you will be amazed by the power of these ragas, they actually take you to the time of dawn! While, we are on the topic of morning ragas, let me throw in another masterpiece from Lata Mangeshkar. This is a song from the film Amar Prem, Raina biti jaye shyam na aaye and is based on another pre-dawn raga called Raga Lalit. Once again, be prepared to be fascinated by the power of music and melody. And who can forget Mohe bhul gaye sanvariya in Lataji’s voice from the film Baiju Bawara. Again, reason for its eternal appeal is that it is based on Raga Bhairav. Another gem from this film in Rafi Sahab’s voice based on Raga Bhairavi is Tu gangaki mauj main jamna ka dhaara. These are just a few gems based on morning ragas.

Now, let’s see some masterpieces from afternoon raga. Khiltey Hain Gul Yaha (Sharmilee)and Panthi hoon main us path kaa (Door ka rahi) both based on Raga Bhimpalasi, sung by Kishore Kumar. And now the evening ragas. Again, while you listen to these songs, imagine watching a sunset somewhere on a small hill. How about Umraav Jaan’s ghazal sung by Ashaji in ankhonki mastike mastane hazaron hai, based on Raga Bhupali. Even if you have never heard of Mehdi Hassan’s ghazals, try these two of his most popular ones, both based on evening ragas. Ranjish hee sahi (Raga Yaman) and Duniya kisike pyaar main (Raga Bhupali). I am convinced that if you develop the taste for Mehdi Sahab’s ghazals, you may never fall back to any other singer who is not classically trained. It would be a quantum leap from a narrow well into a vast and deep ocean of music in which you will be beckoned by such great titans as Bhimsen Joshi, Pt Jasraj and so on. Obviously, this takes little investment of time and patience. But, from my own experience, I guarantee you that it is worth the effort and the returns are priceless and lifelong. It is indeed a nashaa, with traces of meditative spiritual mood.

Now, let’s move little more forward in our time of the day towards night. Two of the more popular ragas of this time of the day are Raga Malkauns and Raga Darbari. To start with, fall in love all over again with Rafi Sahab’s eternal voice in Man tarpat hari darshanko aaj (Baiju Bawara) based on Raga Malkauns. How about these Raga Darbari numbers Hangama hai kyon barpa, a Ghulam Ali ghazal and O Duniyake rakhwale (Baiju Bawara) by Rafi Sahab. Even Mukesh has sung a Raga Darbari song, Dil jalta hai to jalne de (Pahli Nazar). And who can forget mere naina saavan bhaado (Mehbooba) by Kishore Da and Lataji which was based on Raga Shivranjani, another night raga. Again, try imagining yourself in nightly mood to enjoy these songs better. As is the case with serious and true melodies, most of the songs based on ragas either have matching lyrics with the words of that time of the day or a mood matching with that of raga. Morning ragas are usually identified with intense mood of separation and of meditation. Evening ragas evoke lighter mood of love and romance. Night ragas evoke the moods of passion and heroic courage. You can find hundreds of songs and the classical ragas that they are based on at http://www.asavari.org/songs.html. Listening and appreciating music armed with the information of raga would relish both your heart and your mind.

I recently had heated debate with few friends whose argument was that a criterion for good music is simply what appeals to masses. According to them, “classical” singers do not have enough popularity or prestige. Also that, only that music is great which survives the test of “market value”. One can respond to such criticism by just stating few examples from above masterpieces. Granted that some great artists end up in a life of paucity but how can that be a judge of true music? Gangotri, the origin of Ganga, can never be compared with small streams in every village or town. A true explorer will reach the Gangotri sooner or later even though every stream is also a reflection of the same river. Idea is just to expand, explore, experiment and finally to experience yourself to different genres of music and to appreciate the entire iceberg instead of just being content with its tip afloat.

Some say, “don’t sell yourself short”; I think we can apply this to our topic. Let’s not settle for mediocre music, let’s try to explore and expand our musical horizons. And the good news is many different kinds of music are now available on several good websites. www.Raaga.com and www.MusicIndiaOnline.com are two excellent sources. I would even go one step further and say that the way T-Series liberated old film songs from the clutches of HMV with hundreds of cover version pirated tapes; internet is doing the same to rare genres of music. If not for online albums, I would have never experienced the heavenly voice of Mehdi Hassan. Now, I know why he can be called as the “Everest”, the highest point of ghazal singing. So, unlike pirated tapes, we have original music now available to us, all that is needed is little effort from our side and then we will be ready for….

Sangeet Hai Shakti Ishwar Ki, Har Swar Main Base Hain Raam

Raagi Jo Sunaye Raagini, Rogi Ko Mile Aaraam.

References:

1. Alaap, a set of 20 CDs exploring Indian Classical Music produced by Sri Aurobindo Society http://www.sriaurobindosociety.org.in/saspub/sasaudvis.htm#audiocds

2. http://www.AIMArts.org

3. http://www.MusicIndiaOnline.com

4. http://www.Raaga.com

5. http://www.Asavari.org

6. http://www.MusicalNirvana.com

Did Modern Values Enrich Cultural values?

2008-07-07T17:00:00.002-04:00

We are living in a modern society today. At least, we prefer to believe that we are! We shun anything non-modern or so called orthodox. We would like to stay in touch with the contemporary rather than the traditional, be it home furniture or our way of thinking or our way of dressing or the way we perceive spirituality. If we are modern, we practice Yoga or meditation or at least claim to do so but reject any traditional custom or ritual, which does not fit in with our accepted definition of modernity.

In this essay, let us explore what exactly is modernity and how does it affect our way of thinking. Does modernity achieve what it sets out to do? And how do Indian culture and traditions fit into this. Where do Indian traditions stop and modern values begin? The main argument presented here is that the so-called modern values were already imbibed in our culture.

What is Modernity?

Modernity can be defined as connecting to the new and the contemporary, rejecting the old. According to The American Heritage® Dictionary of the English Language: the word modern was first recorded in 1585 in the sense `of present or recent times'. In Latin, modernus is derived from modo, meaning `just now'. The English word modern was not originally concerned with anything that could later be considered old-fashioned. Obviously, modernity often is used to reject old-fashioned ideas and traditions. In the cultural and social contexts, modernity is also interlinked with the values of equality, freedom, feminism and democracy. It is generally assumed that the modernity in 19th and 20th century unleashed the power of scientific and industrial progress, which led to social equality, freedom of downtrodden sections of the society, freedom to women. Democracy is also thought to be a modern concept of governance as against rulers and kings of ancient times. Modernity is also thought of as increasing the role of rationality in the public sphere and reducing the role of religion. Let us take these modern values one by one and explore them more.

Modern Values

Social Equality: One of the popular assumptions is that modernity provided equal status to downtrodden sections of the masses. Before the advent of modernity, people in the weaker sections of the society were controlled and oppressed by the landlords and the religious leaders. With modernity, all the sections of the society have equal rights. However, according to Professor Arvind Sharma, equality before law did exist in ancient India, especially in the sphere of criminal law. The Pali texts clearly allude to it, and the Nibandhas – legal digests of the twelfth century onwards – specifically eliminate unequal punishments. King Ashoka also tried to enforce it. The Nepala-Mahatmya (13.46) of the Skanhapurana also seems to recommend such egalitarianism. Moreover, even today in the 21st century, global spiritual movement Swadhyaya rooted in Indian cultural values has devised many innovative experiments and projects to ensure social equality in thousands of Indian villages. One of the novel Swadhyaya concepts is Amrutalayam, meaning house of immortality. This is similar to a village temple but its priests come from different castes of the village and every evening the entire village gathers here as a social/economical/spiritual family. Just a small example to show how social equality can be achieved by cultural values.

Democracy: Another popular assumption is that modernity gave rise to democracy, ending centuries of autocracy, and therefore governments for the masses, of the masses and by the masses were installed in many parts of the world. This gave tremendous power to the masses in choosing their own rulers and removing the ones they didn't like in the elections. But, contrary to this assumption, India in ancient times did have its own form of democracy and republics. The inscriptions on the walls of the Sundaravarada temple in Uttiramerur near Kanchipuram show how democracy was practiced 1000 years ago. History Professor Steve Muhlberger at Nipissing University has painstakingly shown several evidences of republic forms of government in ancient India. And, according to Hinduism Professor Arvind Sharma at McGill University, republicanism was as prominent a form of government as monarchy in the sixth century B.C. in India.

It is true that the Magadha empire rose at the expense of such republics, but when Alexander invaded India in the fourth century B.C., he had to fight against as many republics as kingdoms on his way to Punjab. Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra republics are attested to by Panini, the famous grammarian assigned to the fourth century B.C., if not earlier, and Alexander had to defeat both a Brahmana and a Shudra republic in the course of his conquest. Republicanism, in the form of the operation of guild-laws, common law, regional practices, etc. survived throughout, countenanced by the kings. The Rajatarangini, a historical narrative of Kashmir, informs us of cases in which the king's decisions were blocked and even reversed by the king's council. Rudradaman (c.150 C.E.) had to spend money from his privy purse to carry out repairs at Lake Sudarshana in Saurashtra because his council would not let him use public funds for the purpose. In addition, it is also often believed that modernity ended centuries of theocracy. But, at least within the Indian culture, theocracy was shunned millennia ago when Brahmans and Kshatriyas were assigned separate roles as religious and political leaders. We don't have a single incidence from Indian political history where a religious leader was made the king or vice versa.

Feminism: In the modern society, women are seen more liberated with their earning capacities and their role as career women rather than housewives or homemakers. It is believed that majority of Indian women committed sati in ancient times and widow-remarriage was not allowed. How far is this true? Most of the literature on the subject creates the impression of a general ban on widow-remarriage in Hinduism. According to the 1901 census, however, only 10 percent of the Hindu communities observed it. Professor Veena Oldenburg powerfully challenges even the usual portrayal of women being killed for dowry, which is linked with Indian culture. The British resolve to rationalize and modernize the revenue was particularly hard on women. From being co-partners in pre-colonial landholding arrangement, they found themselves denied all access to economic resources, turning them into dependents. In the event, they faced marital problems, and they were left with no legal entitlements whatsoever.

It is true that Indian society always has been a patriarchic society with males being the head of the family, but so is the case with all the other cultures -- eastern or western. But, it is the Indian culture that has the concept of Devi, goddess, which treats females also as divinely as the male gods, or Devas. Devi exists in various forms and powers. Laxmi is worshipped as the power of wealth. Shakti or Durga is worshipped as the power to be invoked in war. Saraswati is worshipped as the power of knowledge. Even the power of illusion is given a female identity in the form of Maya. Also, it is only South Asian countries that have no problem accepting women as the head of their states in the form of presidents or prime ministers. There are other dozens of social and religious female leaders in India.

Women who were given the sole responsibility to run a home are now being over-loaded to earn money also. In the modern world of judging everything by financial and materialistic rewards, are we reducing our mothers and wives also into moneymaking machines? And is that the only criteria for their freedom?

Science/Technology and Rationality: Modernity has negated the role of philosophical thinking and glorified reason-based thinking. Modernity also launched the era of science and technology with thousands of new inventions and discoveries about the outer world and the human body. This popular notion is already challenged by the scholarly work of Joseph Needham, which highlights the ancient Chinese contribution in science and technology. Similarly, many Arabic/Islamic scientific inventions are now accepted. Within India, we know that many scientific notions in the fields of Astronomy, Medicine, Mathematics, Metallurgy, Maritime and Linguistics were known to Indians thousands of years ago. There is a huge set of evidence about traditional knowledge systems as late as 18th century just before the advent of the British.

It is true that modern science has added tremendous inventions for human society but to claim that tradition or culture was non-scientific will again be misleading.

Environment protection: It is a popular notion that modernity also led to the awareness about environment protection and animal rights. However, it is also true that modernity has reduced the natural resources due to exploitation by human beings. Whereas Indian culture has the reverential concepts to worship natural powers and animals, modernity, while ridiculing such notions, claims to champion the cause of ecology. It is sad that the cultural values to regard the rivers as mothers, land as mother, cow as mother and trees as divine are ridiculed or rejected today in the name of modernity. Didn't these notions already combine eco-friendliness with popular culture?

Freedom: Modernity also is seen to be liberating dozens of nations from centuries of colonial rule. However, it can be argued that we have certainly achieved political freedom from colonial powers but how free are we intellectually and culturally from those powers? Did modernity free us or has it bounded us in new ways?

Conclusion

In this essay, we have seen that the so-called modern values were already present in ancient Indian culture. It is just that, in the medieval period of the last few centuries, they were corrupted under colonial pressures. With the advent of modernity, the same ancient cultural values are being presented to the human society in new western forms. We just need to apply our cultural contexts to them. Modernity devoid of cultural values will always be incomplete progress.

Saawariya and the great amalgam of traditions...

2008-07-02T02:05:00.014-04:00

A great tradition is like a mighty river, different streams come to join it and in the process the tradition enriches without losing its soul. Like other ancient traditions, Indic traditions also have continued to evolve from its origins in Indus Valley, to Vedic Era, to Jain/Buddhist influence, to Islamic encounters, to modern times. In the process, it has put on new garbs and forms without losing its core values. Indian music can tell a similar story from its ancient classical ragas to medieval influences to modern medley that is sometimes seen in the Indian films and other "Indipop" music. This continuation of underlying themes in Indian music and culture with a continuous evolution of new external forms is what seems to me as one of the visible signs of a successful film and a successful music director in the Indian film industry. The Indian film music directors have continued to experiment with new instruments and rhythms since the times of C. Ramachandra, S D Barman, and O. P. Nayyar and yet some of their melodies have stood the test of times because of an essential quality that captured the Indian imagination. In the late 80s, 90s, and present times, we have had Laxmikant Pyarelal, R D Barman and now A R Rahman who have followed suit in terms of combining Western music with a healthy mix of Indian classical ragas in their songs. It is this innovative experimentation genre, that I would like to situate the films of Sanjay Leela Bhansali, especially his last two films Black and now Saawariya. Here are two films brimming with Shakespearean pathos and tragic turns. They also have other Western influences such as no songs (in Black) and Venetian city space (in the art direction of Saawariya) and yet they succeed in preserving some of the Indianness. Although Bhansali's other "masala" films such as Hum Dil De Chuke Sanam and Devdaas had elaborate sets, songs, and huge star cast, Black and Saawariya turn even the established stars into experimental roles of physically challenged such as in Black. In Saawariya, Bhansali goes one step further by picking fresh faces for his lead hero and heroine.

The success of Saawariya lies in its international appeal. The titles in the beginning of the film declare that it is based on Fyodor Dostoevsky’s 1848 novella (short story) White Nights. And yet, after watching the film, I felt the film was also inspired by Raj Kapoor's films. While Raj Kapoor's Anari had the mother-like figure of Ms. Disuja who is the only sympathizer of the protagonist facing all kinds of hardship, Saawariya has "Lilipop" acted by Zohra Sehgal with great elan! Several of the scenes in the film proudly display the "RK" banner in the background and even the hero works as a lead-singer in an "RK" bar! The influence of Devdaas and Muqaddar ka Sikander is apparent when the heart-broken lover seeks shelter at a dancer's residence, although he is rejected there also. The entire role of Ranbir Kapoor is heavily inspired by his own grandfather's similar roles in which the character downplays the sad and harsh realities of life by having a jubilant attitude with a simmering pathos underneath. Ranbir Kapoor is definitely one of the finest actors to have recently emerged in Hindi films. In a moment, he can show us different kinds of rasas of sadness, happiness, comedy, and others, sprinkled with a light dose of dance and song sequence! The other hallmarks of the film is its art direction. Here again, the entire film is shot as a dream sequence with dark and bright colors and huge images in the backdrop. The song picturizations are good, especially the Id Qawwali one. However, the music needed more appeal although Monty Sharma seemed to have worked hard for his debut film. The heroine Sonam Kapoor also pales in comparison with Ranbir's spirited performance. Rani Mukherjee excels in her diegetic role as a narrator and a constant companion of Ranbir throughout the film. She seems to have matured as an actress with Black and now Saawariya.

The DVD cover of this film says, "Hurrah for Bollywood" and I agree! This film is in the emerging series of Hindi films constantly knocking at the international stage starting with Lagaan. The "Bollywood" has finally arrived with a host of recent films with a global appeal. It is to this interesting mix of Western and Indian elements in this typical Bollywood film that one can look forward to in the coming years!

Jodhaa Akbar: A Review

2008-02-26T10:49:00.004-05:00

Jodhaa Akbar: India’s Contribution to World Cinema

For long, Indian films have been criticized, ridiculed, and ignored by the elites both in India and abroad। Indian Cinema has been accused of lacking originality in its themes and contents. Being an admirer of the this media in general and of Indian films in particular, until now I had only names like Bimal Roy, V Shantaram, Mehboob Khan, Satyajit Ray, Ritwik Ghatak, and Mrinal Sen to glorify Indian cinema. While Hollywood can boast of several epic films, Indian films in this category could only list names such as Mughal-e-Azam, Mother India, and Sholay. I used to wonder if India could ever produce films makers that can be counted among the great stalwarts of the world cinema. My expectations were fulfilled to a great degree when Ashutosh Gowariker came up with Lagaan. Here was a truly Indian film with Indian characters and music inspired by Indian folk and devotional music. After Lagaan, Gowariker continued with Swades, yet another truly Indian film with an original story inspired by Indian grass root work done by NRIs. I am happy to note that Gowariker has continued his genre of making truly Indian film inspired by Indian history with his latest film Jodhaa Akbar (JA).

While Swades was a dramatized version of true events in recent Indian history and Lagaan was a fictional account of an event that was placed in Indian colonial history by the deft direction of Gowariker, JA is a film that takes its inspiration from the life and times of Akbar, the great Mughal emperor. Again, like Lagaan and Swades, Gowariker has chosen to make use of full potential of this great medium that is largely underused by most contemporary filmmakers. Just to quote from my own review of Swades:

“Having watched it, I am once again full of exhilaration and optimism about Indian films. Pritish Nandy had said about Lagaan: “Phew! What a Movie!” He would say the same about Swades. He had then said “Move over, James Cameron (maker of the film Titanic), Ashutosh Gowariker has arrived! I would say “Move over, Chopras, Johars and others (who have looted public money for their profits and wasted this media), Ashutosh Gowariker has arrived.”

About JA also, I would make a similar comment. To be sure, it is not a documentary or scholarly presentation on the life and times of Akbar. We already have several history books with detailed research about Akbar. Instead, Gowariker has chosen to present a rare chapter of Indian history using the media of this film. We had long heard the name of Jodhaa Bai, a Rajput princess that Akbar had married in his efforts to reach out to the Hindu people of India just as he had abolished the Jaziya Tax that was collected from the Hindus before his reign. Gowariker focuses on the role of Jodhaa Bai in shaping Akbar’s life and rule by way of her Hindu and Rajput background. Just as Sikhism, Urdu, Indian classical music are all products of historic intermixing of the most different traditions of Hinduism and Islam, Gowariker presents Mughal rule by Akbar as a great amalgam of coming together of a Hindu princess and a Muslim King. Even if some historians can dispute the historic accuracy of this film, Akbar’s relationship with Hindus is a theme worth exploring. Like Indian Sufism and India Shiite traditions of Islam, Akbar’s rule is a glorious chapter of Indian Islam that has a unique imprint and impression of Indian culture that may well have derived its inspiration from Jodhaa.

The film starts with an elaborate battle scene with Akbar winning Delhi from the Hindu king Hemu. Akbar’s hesitation to behead Hemu shows his inclination towards Indian non-violence even in his adolescence that takes full shape when he becomes the emperor and asks his caretaker Behram Khan to leave for Mecca. Akbar dislikes the way Khan was conquering Hindu kings and bringing about massive carnage. Akbar changes the Mughal politics from confrontation to conciliation with Hindu kings. In this scenario, Jodhaa’s hand is offered to him by Amer’s king. As a Rajput woman with high self-esteem and pride about her culture and traditions, Jodhaa refuses to marry Akbar until he agrees to her demands. She extracts a promise from him to practice Hinduism after their marriage. She comes to Akbar’s palace in Agra but soon is disappointed by conspiracies and murders widespread in the royal court. Slowly and steadily, she succeeds in bringing about a fundamental transformation in the outlook of the emperor towards his subjects and his personal lifestyle. It is historically known that Akbar had practiced vegetarianism on certain days and had abolished a special tax on Hindus. The film merely connects these historic events to the influence of Jodhaa on Akbar. It was Jodhaa’s suggestion that inspires Akbar to examine the lives of his people to better rule them. Similarly, Jodhaa’s vegetarian Rajasthani delicacies inspire Akbar to be vegetarian on certain days in a month. Even the final battle scene that could have erupted to a huge massacre is reduced to a duel against his bitter enemy in which Akbar puts an end to his long-standing rebel.

The story by Haidar Ali does a great service to the role of Jodhaa who is not known to the audience except for her mention as the wife of Akbar in the history books. The director does not leave any stone unturned to present the power, grandeur, and grace of both Jodhaa and Akbar. The film shows several of their encounters with great subtlety and sensitivity. My favorite scene was when Jodhaa decides to cook herself in the royal kitchen even as the matriarch of the royal palace continues to doubt Jodhaa because of her Hindu background. In addition to a great story line and a great direction, the art direction by Nitin Desai, costume design by Neeta Lulla, and action by Ravi Dewan are other highlights of this epic film. In all, they succeed to portray the royal life of Akbar in all its grandiose and magnanimity. The casting of several characters is top-notch, especially their Urdu diction, including that of Hritik Roshan, shows their hard work. Even the final action scene has several innovative elements, a long scene in which the warriors keep dropping and changing their weapons. However, the music by A. R. Rahman leaves a lot to be desired especially after his superior performance in Lagaan. I was expecting the Sufi dance to be much more passionate and powerful with intense devotion that Rahman had showed in a similar sequence for Shyam Benegal’s film on Subhash Chandra Bose. Here Rahman sounded quite subdued. Similarly, unlike the Lagaan’s immortal Hindu bhajan, Jodhaa’s Krishna bhajan fails to leave an impression. Only high point in music is the title song celebrating Akbar’s rule with his people especially with its spectacular choreography. Coming to the acting department, Hritik has delivered the best performance of his career. I already mentioned about his Urdu, his acting as a Mughal emperor similarly shows his devotion to his work and his coming of age (after “Masala” films like Krish and Dhoom 2). However, Aishwarya Rai only partially succeeded in delivering a powerful performance expected of such an epic role. Ila Arun shines as the Mughal matriarch and so do rest of the characters.

Overall, Akbar’s role in the history of India deserved a bioepic films such as this. I am aware that people in Rajasthan have protested this film challenging the historical accuracy of Jodhaa’s life but they seem to have ignored that the film actually puts Jodhaa on a very high pedestal, a Hindu woman that transforms the Delhi politics and Mughal king in a major way. To me, this film and Akbar’s rule both are powerful celebrations of Indian culture. A culture that indianized several foreign invaders and murderers to adopt Indian ways of non-violence, vegetarianism, and respect for all traditions and religions. Before Muslims, Greeks, left behind by Alexander, were similarly absorbed into the massive “sponge” of Indian culture. After Greeks, Huns, Shaks, and several other invading tribes also were mingled into Indian society. Mongols who were fierce warriors and had established the largest empire in the world could not hold on to their victories in any other part of the world except their Indian descendents the Mughals. The success of Mughals was largely based on Akbar’s upbringing among the Rajputs and his later marriage with Jodhaa.

Again, historians can continue to argue about the historical accuracy of the film but Gowariker has largely succeeded in telling a story of Indian culture in his unique style. This film will be long remembered for its epic portrayal of an Indian king and his queen. Indian cinema should be grateful to acknowledge the contributions by Gowariker for his innovative films that succeed in raising the intellectual and cinematic contents and themes of the films. Kudos!

इंडिया = भारत!

2007-12-26T14:25:00.001-05:00

Miracle That Is India As India turns 60, we present extracts from Ramachandra Guha's new book on India's history since 1947. It's a history we're still making. RAMACHANDRA GUHA
The Sikhs may try to set up a separate regime... and that will be only a start of a general decentralisation and break-up of the idea that India is a country, whereas it is a subcontinent as varied as Europe. The Punjabi is as different from a Madrassi as a Scot is from an Italian. The British tried to consolidate it but achieved nothing permanent. No one can make a nation out of a continent of many nations.
—General Claude Auchinleck, writing in 1948
When Nehru goes, the government will become a military dictatorship—as in so many of the newly independent states, for the army seems to be the only highly organised centre of power.
—Aldous Huxley, writing in 1961
The great experiment of developing India within a democratic framework has failed. (Indians will soon vote) in the fourth—and surely last—general election.
—The London Times, in 1967
***In May 2004, the Republic of India held its 14th general elections. Four hundred million voters exercised their franchise. The ruling alliance, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party, was widely expected to win by a comfortable margin, prompting fears of a renewal of the margin, prompting fears of a renewal of the 'Hindutva' agenda. As it happened, the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance defied the pollsters and came to power. The outcome was variously interpreted as a victory for secularism, a revolt of the 'aam admi' against the rich, and an affirmation of the continuing hold of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty over the popular imagination. In the larger context of world history, however, what is important is not why the voters voted as they did, but the fact that they voted at all. Ever since the 1952 elections were described as the "biggest gamble in history", obituaries have been written for Indian democracy. It has been said, time and again, that a poor, diverse and divided country cannot sustain the practice of (reasonably) free and fair elections.
Yet it has. In those first general elections, voter turnout was less than 46 per cent. Over the years, this has steadily increased; from the late 1960s about three out of five eligible Indians have voted on election day. In assembly elections, the voting percentage has tended to be even higher. When these numbers are disaggregated, they reveal a further deepening. In the first two general elections, less than 40 per cent of eligible women voted; by 1998, the figure was in excess of 60 per cent. Besides, as surveys showed, they increasingly exercised their choice independently, that is, regardless of their husband's or father's views on the matter. Also voting in ever higher numbers were Dalits and tribals, the oppressed and marginalised sections of society. In North India in particular, Dalits turned out in far greater numbers than high castes. As the political analyst Yogendra Yadav points out, "India is perhaps the only large democracy in the world today where the turnout of the lower orders is well above that of the most privileged groups."
The institutions that keep us together are those bequests of the British: the civil service, the army, the railways, and cricket.
And yes, this too: the cricketing nation The Indian love of voting is well illustrated by the case of a cluster of villages on the Andhra/Maharashtra border.Issued voting cards by the administrations of both states, the villagers seized the opportunity to exercise their franchise twice over. It is also illustrated by the peasants in Bihar who go to the polls despite threats by Maoist revolutionaries. Likewise, in parts of the Northeast where the writ of the Indian state runs erratically or not at all, insurgents are unable to stop villagers from voting. As the Chief Election Commissioner wryly put it, "The Election Commission's small contribution to the integrity of the country is to make these areas part of the country for just one day, election day". That elections have been successfully indigenised in India is demonstrated by the depth and breadth of their reach—across and into all sections of Indian society, by the passions they evoke, and by the humour that surrounds them. There is a very rich archive of electoral cartoons, poking fun at promises made by prospective politicians, their desperation to get a party ticket, and much else. At other times, the humour can be gentle rather than mocking. Consider the career of a cloth merchant from Bhopal named Mohan Lal, who contested elections against five different prime ministers. Wearing a wooden crown and a garland gifted by himself, he would walk the streets of his constituency, ringing a bell. He unfailingly lost his deposit, thereby justifying his own, self-inflicted sobriquet of 'Dhartipakad', or he who lies, humbled, on the ground. His idea in contesting elections, said Mohan Lal, was "to make everyone realise that democracy was meant for one and all".
The hardware of democracy gives us reason to cheer. Not so its software. Most of our parties are family firms, most politicians corrupt.
Voice from below: India is the only democracy where the lower orders vote more enthusiastically than privileged groups Considering the size of the electorate, it is overwhelmingly likely that more people have voted in Indian elections than voters in any other democracy. India's success in this regard is especially striking when compared to the record of its great Asian neighbour, China. That country is larger, but far less divided on ethnic or religious lines, and far less poor as well. Yet there has never been a single election held there. In other ways too China is much less free than India. The flow of information is highly restricted—when the search engine Google set up shop in China in February 2006, it had to agree to submit to state censorship. The movement of people is regulated as well—the permission of the state is usually required to change one's place of residence. In India, on the other hand, the press can print more or less what they like, and citizens can say exactly what they feel, live where they wish to and travel to any part of the country.India/China comparisons have long been a staple of scholarly analysis. Now, in a world that becomes more connected by the day, they have become ubiquitous in popular discourse as well. In this comparison China might win on economic grounds but will lose on political ones. Indians like to harp on their neighbour's democracy deficit, sometimes directly and at other times by euphemistic allusion. When asked to put on a special show at the World Economic Forum of 2006, the Indian delegation never failed to describe their land, whether in speech or in print or in posters, as the 'World's Fastest Growing Democracy'.If one looks at what one might call the 'hardware' of democracy, then the self-congratulation is certainly merited. Indians enjoy freedom of expression and of movement, and they have the vote.However, if one examines the 'software' of democracy, then the picture is less cheering. Most political parties have become family firms. Most politicians are corrupt, and many come from a criminal background. The percentage of truly independent-minded civil servants has steadily declined over the years, as has the percentage of completely fair-minded judges.Is India a proper democracy or a sham one? When asked this question, I usually turn for recourse to an immortal line of the great Hindi comic actor Johnny Walker. In a film where he plays the hero's sidekick, Walker answers every query with the remark: "Boss, phipty/phipty." When asked what prospect he has of marrying the girl he so deeply loves, or of getting the job he so dearly desires, the sidekick tells the boss that the chances are roughly even, 50 per cent of success, or 50 per cent of failure.Is India a democracy, then? The answer is well, phipty-phipty. It mostly is, when it comes to holding elections and permitting freedom of movement and expression. It mostly is not, when it comes to the functioning of politicians and political institutions. However, that India is even a 50 per cent democracy flies in the face of tradition, history, and the conventional wisdom. Indeed, by its own experience, it is rewriting that history and that wisdom. Thus, Sunil Khilnani remarked of the 2004 polls that they represented "the largest exercise of democratic election, ever and anywhere, in human history. Clearly, the idea of democracy, brought into being on an Athenian hillside some 2,500 years ago, has travelled far—and today describes a disparate array of political projects and experiences. The peripatetic life of the democratic idea has ensured that the history of Western political ideas can no longer be written coherently from within the terms of the West's own historical experience".The history of independent India has amended and modified theories of democracy based on the experience of the West. However, it has even more frontally challenged ideas of nationalism emanating from the Western experience.Behind every successful nationalist movement in the Western world has been a certain unifying factor, a glue holding the members of the nation together, this provided by a shared language, a shared religious faith, a shared territory, a common enemy—and sometimes all of the above. Thus, the British nation brought together those who huddled together on a cold island, who were mostly Protestant, and who detested France. In the case of France, it was language which powerfully combined with religion. For the Americans, a shared language and mostly shared faith worked in tandem with animosity towards the colonists. As for the smaller East European nations—the Poles, the Czechs, the Lithuanians, etc—their populations have been united by a common language, a mostly common faith, and a shared and very bitter history of domination by German and Russian oppressors.By contrast with these (and other examples), the Indian nation does not privilege a single language or religious faith. Although the majority of its citizens are Hindus, India is not a 'Hindu' nation. Its Constitution does not discriminate between people on the basis of faith; nor, more crucially, did the nationalist movement that lay behind it. Gandhi's political programme was built upon harmony and cooperation between India's two major religious communities, Hindus and Muslims. Although, in the end, his work and example were unsuccessful in stopping the division of India, the failure made his successors even more determined to construct independent India as a secular republic. For Jawaharlal Nehru and his colleagues, if India was anything at all, it was not a 'Hindu Pakistan'.Like Indian democracy, Indian secularism is also a story that combines success with failure.Membership of a minority religion is no bar to advancement in business or the professions. The richest industrialist in India is a Muslim. Some of the most popular film stars are Muslim. Three Presidents and two Chief Justices have been Muslim. At the time of writing, the President of India is a Muslim, the Prime Minister a Sikh, and the leader of the ruling party a Catholic born in Italy. Many of the country's most prominent lawyers and doctors have been Christians and Parsis.On the other hand, there have been periodic episodes of religious rioting, in the worst of which (as in Delhi in 1984 and Gujarat in 2002) the minorities have suffered grievous losses of life and property. Still, for the most part, the minorities appear to retain faith in the democratic and secular ideal. Very few Indian Muslims have joined terrorist or fundamentalist organisations. Even more than their compatriots, Indian Muslims feel that their opinion and vote matters. One recent survey found that while 69 per cent of all Indians approve and endorse the ideal of democracy, 72 per cent of Muslims did so. And the turnout of Muslims at elections is higher than ever before.Building democracy in a poor society was always going to be hard work. Nurturing secularism in a land recently divided was going to be even harder. The creation of an Islamic state on India's borders was a provocation to those Hindus who themselves wished to merge faith with state. My own view—speaking as historian rather than citizen—is that as long as Pakistan exists there will be Hindu fundamentalists in India. In times of stability, or when the political leadership is firm, they will be marginal or on the defensive. In times of change, or when the political leadership is irresolute, they will be influential and assertive.The pluralism of religion was one cornerstone of the foundation of the Indian republic. A second was the pluralism of language. Here again, the intention and the effort well predated Independence. In the 1920s, Gandhi reconstituted the provincial committees of the Congress on linguistic lines. The party had promised to form linguistic provinces as soon as the country was free. The promise was not redeemed immediately after 1947, because the creation of Pakistan had promoted fears of further balkanisation. However, in the face of popular protest, the government yielded to the demand.Linguistic states have been in existence for 50 years now. In that time, they have deepened and consolidated Indian unity. Within each state, a common language has provided the basis of administrative unity and efficiency. It has also led to an efflorescence of cultural creativity, as expressed in film, theatre, fiction and poetry. However, pride in one's language has rarely been in conflict with a broader identification with the nation as a whole. The three major secessionist movements in independent India—in Nagaland in the 1950s, in Punjab in the 1980s and in Kashmir in the 1990s—have affirmed religious and territorial distinctiveness, not a linguistic one. For the rest, it has proved perfectly possible—indeed, desirable—to be Kannadiga and Indian, Malayali and Indian, Andhra and Indian, Tamil and Indian, Bengali and Indian, Oriya and Indian, Maharashtrian and Indian, Gujarati and Indian and, of course, Hindi-speaking and Indian.
Linguistic pluralism has worked. Instead of dividing, as elsewhere in the world, it tamed and domesticated secessionist tendencies.
Denominations on the Indian currency note are given not just in Hindi and in English but in all Indian languages
That unity and pluralism are inseparable in India is graphically expressed in the country's currency notes.On one side is printed a portrait of the 'father of the nation', Mahatma Gandhi; on the other side, a picture of the Houses of Parliament. The note's denomination—5, 10, 50, 100, etc—is printed in words in Hindi and English (the two official languages), but also, in smaller type, in all the other languages of the Union. In this manner, as many as 17 different scripts are represented. With each language, and each script, comes a distinct culture and regional ethos, here nesting more-or-less comfortably with the idea of India as a whole.Some Western observers—usually Americans—believed that this profusion of tongues would be the undoing of India. Based on their own country's experience, where English had been the glue binding the different waves of immigrants, they thought that a single language—be it Hindi or English—had to be spoken by all Indians. Linguistic states they regarded as a grievous error. In 1970, Bernard Nossiter of the Washington Post wrote despairingly that this was "a land of Babel with no common voice". From its birth the Indian nation had been "plagued by particularist, separatist tendencies", wrote Nossiter, and "the continuing confusion of tongues...can only further these tendencies and puts in question the future unity of the Indian state". In fact, exactly the reverse has happened—that is, the sustenance of linguistic pluralism has worked to tame and domesticate secessionist tendencies. A comparison with neighbouring countries might be helpful. Pakistan was created on the basis of religion, but divided on the basis of language. And for more than two decades now, a bloody civil war has raged in Sri Lanka, the disputants divided somewhat by territory and faith but most of all by language. The lesson from these cases might well be: 'One language, two nations'. Had Hindi been imposed on the whole of India, the lesson might well have been: 'One language, 22 nations'.That Indians spoke many languages and followed many faiths made their nation unnatural in the eyes of some Western observers, both lay and academic. In truth, many Indians thought so too. A popular slogan of the original Jana Sangh was 'Hindi, Hindu, Hindustani'. The attempt was to make Indian nationalism more natural, by making—or persuading—all Indians to speak the same language and worship the same gods. In time, the bid to impose a uniform language was dropped. But the desire to impose the will of the majority religion persisted. This has led to much conflict, violence, rioting and deaths. Particularly after the Gujarat riots of 2002, which were condoned and to some extent even approved by the Central government, fears were expressed about the survival of a secular and democratic India. Thus, in a lecture delivered in the university town of Aligarh, the writer Arundhati Roy went so far as to characterise the BJP regime as 'fascist'. In fact, she used the term 'fascism' 11 times in a single paragraph while describing the actions of the government in New Delhi.
Arundhati Roy used the word fascist 11 times in a speech on the BJP after Gujarat. That is careless borrowing from European history.
A Bajrang Dal activist in the Gujarat riots
Here again, Indian events and experiences were being analysed in terms carelessly borrowed from European history. To call the BJP 'fascist' is to diminish the severity and seriousness of the murderous crimes committed by the original fascists in Italy and Germany. Many leaders of the BJP are less than appealing, but to see the party as 'fascist' would be both to overestimate its powers and to underestimate the democratic traditions of the Indian people.Notably, the BJP now vigorously promotes linguistic pluralism. No longer are its leaders from the Hindi heartland alone; and it has expanded its influence in the southern states. And it is obliged to pay at least lip service to religious pluralism. One of its general secretaries is a Muslim; even if he is dismissed as a showboy, the ideology he and his party promote goes by the name of 'positive secularism'. The qualifier only underlines the larger concession—that even if some BJP leaders privately wish for a theocratic Hindu state, for public consumption they must endorse the secular ideals of the Indian Constitution.Finally, despite all their best efforts, the BJP was not able to disturb the democratic edifice of the Indian polity. A month after Arundhati Roy delivered her speech, the BJP alliance lost power in a general election that it had called. Its leaders moved out of office and allowed their victors to move in instead. When was the last time a 'fascist' regime permitted such an orderly transfer of power?The holding of the 1977 elections—called by an individual who had proven dictatorial tendencies—and of the 2004 elections—called by a party unreliably committed to democratic procedure—were both testimony to the deep roots that democracy had struck in the soil of India. In this respect, the country was fortunate in the calibre of its founding figures, and in the fact that they lived as long as they did. Few nations have had, living and working at the same time, leaders of such acknowledged intelligence and integrity as Jawaharlal Nehru, Vallabhbhai Patel and B. R. Ambedkar. Within a few years of Independence, Patel had died, and Ambedkar had left office; but by then the one had successfully overseen the political integration of the country and the other the forging of a democratic Constitution. As Nehru lived on, he was kept company by outstanding leaders in his own party—K. Kamaraj and Morarji Desai, for instance—and in the Opposition, in whose ranks were such men as J.B. Kripalani and C. Rajagopalachari.Of course, there has been a rapid, even alarming, decline in the quality of the men and women who rule India. In a book published in 2003, the political theorist Pratap Bhanu Mehta wrote feelingly of "the corruption, mediocrity, indiscipline, venality and lack of moral imagination of the (Indian) political class". Within the Indian state, he continued, "the lines between legality and illegality, order and disorder, state and criminality, have come to be increasingly porous".That said, the distance—intellectual or moral—between Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi, or between B. R. Ambedkar and Mulayam Singh Yadav, is not necessarily greater than between—say—Abraham Lincoln and George W. Bush. It is in the nature of democracies, perhaps, that while visionaries are sometimes necessary to make them, once made, they can be managed by mediocrities. In India, the sapling was planted by the nation's founders, who lived long enough (and worked hard enough) to nurture it to adulthood. Those who came afterwards could disturb and degrade the tree of democracy but, try as they might, could not uproot or destroy it.
Parts of Kashmir and the Northeast may be in trouble; Maoists hold a bit of central India. But India remains 80 per cent united.
Kashmir: a question of territory
If India is roughly 50 per cent democratic, it is approximately 80 per cent united. Some parts of Kashmir and the Northeast are under the control of insurgents seeking political independence. Some forested districts in central India are in the grip of Maoist revolutionaries.However, these areas, large enough in themselves, constitute considerably less than a quarter of the total land mass claimed by the Indian nation.Among the institutions that keep the country together are those bequests of the British—the civil service, the army, the railways, the English language and the game of cricket. Working with—or in subordination to—a democratic and federal Constitution, these institutions have ensured that in over four-fifths of India, the elected government enjoys a legitimacy of power and authority. Throughout this territory, the citizens of India are free to live, study, take employment and invest in businesses.The economic integration of India is a consequence of its political integration. They act in a mutually reinforcing loop. The greater the movement of goods and capital and people across India, the greater the sense that this is, after all, one country.Apart from elements of politics and economics, cultural factors have also contributed to national unity. Pre-eminent here is the Hindi film. This is the great popular passion of the Indian people, watched and followed by Indians of all ages, genders, castes, classes, religions and linguistic groups.Each of the formally recognised states of the Union, be it Gujarat, Punjab, Rajasthan, Bengal, Orissa or Kerala, says the lyricist Javed Akhtar, "has its different culture, tradition and style. In Gujarat, you have one kind of culture, then you go to Punjab, you have another, and the same applies in Rajasthan, Bengal, Orissa or Kerala". Then, Akhtar adds: "There is one more state in this country, and that is Hindi cinema."This is a stunning insight, which asks to be developed further. As a separate state of India, Hindi cinema acts as a receptacle for all that (in a cultural sense) is most creative in the other states. Thus its actors, musicians, technicians and directors come from all parts of India. Thus also it draws ecumenically from cultural forms prevalent in different regions. For example, a single song may feature both the Punjabi folk dance called the bhangra and its Tamil classical counterpart, Bharatanatyam.Having borrowed elements from here and there—and everywhere—the Hindi film then sends the synthesised product out for appreciation to the other states of the Union. The most widely revered Indians are film stars. Yet cinema does not merely provide Indians with a common pantheon of heroes; it also gives them a common language and universe of discourse. Lines from film songs and snatches from film dialogue are ubiquitously used in conversations in schools, colleges, homes and offices—and on the street. Because it is one more state of the Union, Hindi cinema also speaks its own language, this, however, understood by all the others.
Javed Akhtar calls Hindi cinema 'one more state in this country'. It has done more for the acceptance of Hindi than any official fiat.
Bollywood: an idiom for all of India
The last sentence is meant literally as well as metaphorically. Hindi cinema provides a stock of social situations and moral conundrums which widely resonate with the citizenry as a whole. But, over time, it has also made the Hindi language more comprehensible to those who previously never spoke or understood it. When imposed by fiat by the central government, Hindi was resisted by the people of the south and the east. When conveyed seductively by the medium of cinema and television, Hindi has been accepted by them. In Bangalore and Hyderabad, Hindi has become the preferred medium of communication between those who speak mutually incomprehensible tongues.Finally, one might instance the banning of Hindi films, DVDs and videos by insurgents in the Northeast: this, in its own way, is a considerable tribute to the part played by the Hindi film in uniting India.One might think of independent India as being Europe's past as well as its future. It is Europe's past, in that it has reproduced, albeit more fiercely and intensely, the conflicts of a modernising, industrialising and urbanising society. But it is also its future, in that it anticipated, by some 50 years, the European attempt to create a multi-lingual, multi-religious, multi-ethnic, political and economic community.It is tempting to compare India with the United States, a country justly celebrated as "the planet's first multi-ethnic democracy". Born nearly two centuries later, the Republic of India is today comfortably the world's largest multi-ethnic democracy. However, the means by which it has regulated (and moderated) relations between its constituent ethnicities have been somewhat different. For, as Samuel Huntington has recently argued, the American nation has been held together by a "creedal culture" whose "central elements" have included "the Christian religion, Protestant values and moralism, a work ethic, the English language, British traditions of law, justice, and the limits of government power, and a legacy of European art, literature, philosophy, and music". Indeed, "America was created as a Protestant society just as and for some of the reasons Pakistan and Israel were created as Muslim and Jewish societies in the twentieth centuries".The United States is, of course, a nation of immigrants. For much of the country's history, the new groups that came in merged themselves with the dominant culture. "Throughout American history," writes Huntington, "people who were not white Anglo-Saxon Protestants have become Americans by adopting America's Anglo-Protestant culture and political values." Of late, however, newer groups of immigrants have tended to maintain their distinct identities. The largest of these are the Hispanics, who live in enclaves where they cook their own food, listen to their own kind of music, follow their own faith and—most importantly—speak their own language. Huntington worries that if these communities are not quickly brought into line, they will "transform America as a whole into a bilingual, bicultural society". The older American model of assimilation was called 'the melting pot'. Individual groups poured all their flavours into the pot, then drank a single, uniform—or uniformly tasting—drink. Now it appears that the society, and nation, are coming to resemble a 'salad bowl', with each group starkly standing out, different and distinctive in how it looks and behaves.Huntington himself is less than enthusiastic with the idea of the salad bowl. For him, America has long been, and must always be, a "society with a single pervasive national culture". He observes that Americans identify most strongly with that culture when the nation is under threat. War leads not merely to national consolidation, but also to cultural unity. The original American creed was forged as a consequence of the wars against the Native Americans, the English colonists and the southern states. The events of 9/11 once more brought patriotism and national solidarity to the fore. Concerned that these energies shall dissipate, Huntington urges a more thoroughgoing return to the creed that, in his view, was responsible for "the unity and strength of my country".Samuel Huntington's line of argument is, of course, quite familiar to students of Indian history. It has been made here by political ideologues such as M.S. Golwalkar, and by political parties such as the Jana Sangh and the BJP.They have believed that India has "got to have a dominant culture", and that this culture is 'Hindu'. As it happened, those views were not endorsed by the founders of the Indian nation, by those who wrote the Indian Constitution and led the first few governments of independent India. Thus India became a salad-bowl nation rather than a melting-pot one.And it has stayed that way. It has sustained a diversity of religions and languages, precisely the diversities the likes of Huntington deem inimical to national survival and national solidarity. It has resisted the pressures to go in the other direction, to follow Israel and Pakistan by favouring citizens who follow a certain faith or speak a particular language.The most eloquent tribute to the idea of India that I have come across rests in some unpublished letters of the biologist J.B.S. Haldane. In his native Britain, Haldane was a figure of considerable fame and some notoriety. In 1956, already past 60, he decided to leave his post in University College, London, and take up residence in Calcutta. He joined the Indian Statistical Institute, became an Indian citizen, wore Indian clothes and ate Indian food. He also travelled energetically around the country, engaging with its scientists but also with the citizenry at large.Five years after Haldane had moved to India, an American science writer described him in print as a 'citizen of the world'. Haldane replied:
"No doubt I am in some sense a citizen of the world. But I believe with Thomas Jefferson that one of the chief duties of a citizen is to be a nuisance to the government of his state. As there is no world state, I cannot do this.... On the other hand I can be, and am, a nuisance to the government of India, which has the merit of permitting a good deal of criticism, though it reacts to it rather slowly. I also happen to be proud of being a citizen of India, which is a lot more diverse than Europe, let alone the USA, USSR, or China, and thus a better model for a possible world organisation. It may of course break up, but it is a wonderful experiment. So I want to be labelled as a citizen of India."
On another occasion, Haldane described India as "the closest approximation to the Free World". An American friend protested, saying his impression was that "India has its fair share of scoundrels and a tremendous amount of poor, unthinking and disgustingly subservient individuals who are not attractive". To this, Haldane responded:
"Perhaps one is freer to be a scoundrel in India than elsewhere. So one was in the USA in the days of people like Jay Gould, when (in my opinion) there was more internal freedom in the USA than there is today. The 'disgusting subservience' of the others has its limits. The people of Calcutta riot, upset trams, and refuse to obey police regulations, in a manner which would have delighted Jefferson. I don't think their activities are very efficient, but that is not the question at issue."
As a modern nation, India is simply sui generis. It stands on its own, different and distinct from the alternative political models on offer—be these Anglo-Saxon liberalism, French republicanism, atheistic Communism, or Islamic theocracy. Back in 1971, at the time of the Bangladesh crisis, when India found itself simultaneously at odds with Communist China, Islamic Pakistan, and America, an Indian diplomat captured his country's uniqueness in this way:
"India is regarded warily in the West because she is against the concept of Imperialism and because she 'invented' the 'Third World'.India is looked on with suspicion in the 'Third World' because of her (subversive) sentiments for democracy, human rights, etc; the Muslim world is wrathful because of our secularism.The Communist countries regard India as insolent—and potentially dangerous—because we have rejected Communism as the prime condition for Progress.We are, of course, on the side of God. But is God on our side?"
The great 19th-century poet Ghalib thought that God was indeed on the side of India. All around him there was conflict and privation, but doomsday had not yet come. "Why does not the Last Trumpet sound?", asked Ghalib of a sage in the holy city of Benares. "Who holds the reins of the Final Catastrophe?" he continued. This was the answer he got:
The hoary old man of lucent kenPointed towards Kashi and gently smiled.'The Architect,' he said, 'is fond of this edificeBecause of which there is colour in life; HeWould not like it to perish and fall.'
Ghalib and his interlocutor were speaking then of India, the civilisation. Speaking now of India, the nation-state, one must insist that its future lies not in the hands of God but in the mundane works of men. So long as the Constitution is not amended beyond recognition, so long as elections are held regularly and fairly and the ethos of secularism broadly prevails, so long as citizens can speak and write in the language of their choosing, so long as there is an integrated market and a moderately efficient civil service and army, and—lest I forget—so long as Hindi films are watched and their songs sung, India will survive.
(This essay is adapted from Ramachandra Guha's India After Gandhi: The History of the World's Largest Democracy, Picador India, 2007.)

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Diwali, the Biggest Indian Festival

2007-11-08T23:12:00.002-05:00

Diwali the festival of lights – apart from being the most widely celebrated is perhaps one of the prettiest Indian festivals. It is a festival of joy, splendor, and brightness. Diwali is celebrated in various parts of the world, including South Asia, South-East Asia, North America, Europe, Australia, Caribbean countries, Middle-East, and Africa. With more Indians now migrating to various parts of the world, the number of countries where Diwali is celebrated is also increasing. While in most countries it is celebrated mainly by Indian diaspora, in others it has become part of the general local culture, especially in the South-East Asia. In addition to South Asian countries, Singapore and New York City has included Diwali in the list of public holidays.
The uniqueness of this festival is its harmony of five varied philosophies, each day for a special thought or ideal. Diwali is a time when every Indian house and shop is illuminated with oil lamps and every heart is filled with joy. Delighted children set off fireworks in the spirit of festival. The word Diwali comes from the word Deepaawali, i.e., series of lamps. It falls on the last day of the last month of the lunar Indian calendar.
The five-day celebration of Diwali begins with Dhanteras, the day to worship Laxmi, the goddess of wealth. Indian culture has not considered wealth to be corruptive; on the contrary Vedic sages have sung praises of various types of wealth in the Shrisuktam hymn of Rig Veda. According to Indian culture a wealthy person is considered to be God's beloved child, he is rewarded for the good karmas done in past life. This is indicated in the verses of Bhagavad Gita "Shuchinaam Shrimataam Gehe" (6:41). In Shrisuktam, Vedic people asked for wealth that would never turn away from their houses: “Tam maa aavah jatvedo...purushanaham". In another verse of Shrisuktam, it is asked: “God grant me wealth, which is beyond destruction and with which I can acquire gold, cattle, horses and sincere friends.” According to Indian perspective, wealth in itself may not be corruptive, but a wealthy person's attitude leads to corruption. The financial power can lead a person higher towards divinity or lower towards evil. When somebody uses wealth as a means for material gains alone, one may be paving the path to self-destruction. On the other hand, wealth is to be revered as the divine mother and to be regarded as a blessing from God.
Money used destructively is called Alaxmi or impure wealth that which is used for selfish reasons is money or Vitta. Money that is used for the benefit of others is referred to as Laxmi or wealth and ultimately wealth used in cultural work attains the status of Mahalaxmi or divine wealth. Those who invest wealth for divine work enjoy the wealth for several generations. Since wealth has such tremendous strength it should remain in the hands of good people who would use it appropriately. Indian culture has sung praises of the Rajashri. This can be compared with the Greek thinker Plato’s term "philosopher king".
The second day is celebrated as Kali Chaturdashi, the day to worship Kali, the goddess of power. Physical strength used to harm others is called Ashakti or impious strength that which is used for selfish reasons is strength, Shakti. The strength to protect others is referred as Kali, and if it’s used for spiritual purposes, it is called Mahakali. In the Mahabharata, Vyasa has given examples of human life by skillfully portraying three diverse characters of Duryodhana, Karna and Arjun. Duryodhana the eldest of Kauravas, who used his strength only for selfish motives, Karna who had vowed to use his skills in the service of the Kauravas and Arjun who dedicated himself to Lord Krishna. These three can be considered as the examples of ashakti, kali and mahakali respectively.
Another name by which this day is remembered is "Narak Chaturdashi". The story goes that Narakasur the ill-famed king of Pragjyotishpur was creating havoc in the society by the excessive use of his powers. He was responsible for the imprisonment of 16000 young women. Lord Krishna had decided to destroy this evil dictator. Satyabhama, wife of lord Krishna, took up the challenge of rescuing the innocent women and Lord Krishna fully supported Satyabhama in her mission. This day is celebrated as freedom from the tyranny of the evil king. People free from atrocities of the evil ruler joyously celebrated the event by lighting lamps to illuminate the night sky. Adorned in new clothes they set out on the streets to express their happiness.
The third day is the main day of Diwali festival. It is the festival of light. Thousands of lamps are lit in every home to mark the return of Rama, Laxmana and Sita to Ayodhya from their exile. Lamp is also the symbol of knowledge. Lighting the lamp of knowledge means to understand and reflect upon the significant purpose of each of the five days of festivities and to bring those thoughts into daily lives. The day of Diwali is to remember the mantra - Tamaso Ma Jyotirgamaya, lead us from darkness to light. It is very important day for business community as it is the end of the fiscal year. Old accounts are settled, new books are opened. Account books are worshiped in an elaborate ceremony. It is time to take account of one's life also, to reflect upon life and remove anger, hatred, jealousy and callousness from life and have renewed hope from the New Year.
The day following New Year is celebrated as Balipratipada. People who are blinded by kanak - wealth and kaanta – lust become demons. Lord Vishnu had destroyed Bali and this day is a reminder to have proper outlook towards wealth and beauty. The final day of Diwali festival is Bhai Dooj. This day symbolizes the respect for all women. The day gives every man the noble outlook to consider every woman as his mother or sister.
Although Diwali is considered as a Hindu festival, the origin of this word actually comes from the Jain tradition. Although in the two major versions of the Hindu Ramayana, the return of its heroes Rama, Laxmana and Sita is celebrated with grant festivities, there is no mention of the word related to lighting the lamps. The word was first mentioned to celebrate the nirvana of the 24th Jain Tirthankara Mahavira Swami which had occurred on this day. And the day following Diwali marks the beginning of the Jain calendar Vira Nirvana Samvat, in the year 527 BCE. In the Sikh tradition, it is celebrated to mark the return of the Sikh Guru Hargobind Sahib to the city of Amritsar who is believed to be freed by the Mughal emperor Jahangir on this day in 1619. With different kinds of communities of different religions and different regions celebrating Diwali in different ways, it can rightly be called as the “national” festival of India and Indian diaspora around the world.

Indian New Year

According to Vikram Samvat, Indian New Year starts from the Shukla Pratipadaa of Kaartik month. This day is also called as Bali Pratipadaa. Bali was the son of Virochan. Ironically, Virochan was atheist son of the legendary devotee Prahlaad whose devotion was instrumental in killing his father Hiranyakashyapu by the Narasingha incarnation of Lord Vishnu. Bali was influenced by his father and systematically removed the importance of spirituality and scriptures from the society. He also disturbed the Varna system in the society by making people change their traditional jobs. He reduced the importance of Brahmins in the society. Kshatriyas slowly turned into autocratic officers and leaders. Business leaders became greedy capitalists. Overall, all the sections of the society turned towards evil and ignored social welfare. To reform the society, Aditi and Kashyap asked for a boon about a son. Aditi and Kashyap become parents of Vaaman, the dwarf incarnation of Lord Vishnu. Eventually, Vaaman asks for three steps from Bali and sends Bali away down south. Thus, society is rescued from the malevolence of Bali and importance of spirituality and scriptures is restored in the society.
Another legend associated with this day is about the celebration of Govardhan. It is believed that Lord Krishna had asked people of Vrindavan not to worship Lord Indra. Indra responds by heavy rains for several days. Krishna protects the people by lifting Mount Govardhan and giving shelter under it. This tale has now been connected with ecological importance of mountains.

Bhaiya Dooj

The Shukla Dwitiya of Kaartik month is called Yama Dwitiya and is celebrated as Bhaiya Dooj as a mark for love of brothers and sisters. It is believed that Yamuna had invited her brother Yama for dinner and Yama in turn responds by granting her two boons. Yamuna asks that Yama should visit her every year on this day for dinner and secondly, to grant happiness to brothers who would visit their sisters on this day. Sisters traditionally worship Yama on this day for the longevity of their brothers. There are several examples of brother and sisters in Indian culture. For example, in the Mahabharata, Draupadi is also known as Krishnaa due to her great love for her brother Krishna.
Significance of moon on this day is also important. The phase of the moon on Dwitiya or dooj, the second day of Shukla fortnight marks the increment in the moon which denotes development and growth. In Ramayana, Ravana once asks Sita to compare himself with Rama. Sita calls him the moon of full-moon night whereas Rama is compared with the moon of Dwitiya. Moon of the full-moon night quickly starts decreasing and loses itself completely while the moon of Dwitiya is set to increase itself culminating on the full-moon night. Lord Shiva also is usually depicted with the moon of Dwitiya on his head. Perhaps this is why moon of this day is considered benevolent in Indian culture and even in Islam. Moon has special relationship with the sisters and this is reflected in Indian children calling Moon lovingly as chandaa maamaa (moon as maternal uncle).
Overall, this day associates brother with the moon of Dooj symbolizing the importance of efforts and sacrifice.

विश्व हिन्दी सम्मेलन, न्यूयार्क

2007-07-15T19:03:00.000-04:00

शनिवार जुलाई १४ को मॆं न्यूयार्क में आयोजित आठवें विश्व हिन्दी सम्मेलन में गया था, यह मेरा पहला अनुभव था। १००० से कुछ ज़्यादा लोग थे व सभी का जोश दर्शनीय था। संयुक्त राष्ट्र में हिन्दी भी अन्य भाषाओं की तरह काम में ली जाए, यह एक मुख्य बिन्दु था। कम्प्युटर व इन्टर्नेट पर हिन्दी का प्रयोग अधिक हो, यह भी एक चर्चा का विषय था।

मिट्टी - सोना

2007-07-15T01:00:00.000-04:00

मेरे वतन की स्मृति, मेरे वतन की मिट्टी है,
इस देश की पहचान, इस देश का सोना है.

वो मिट्टी बारिश की सौन्धी मधुर महक है,
यह सोना तो बस बाहरी चमक दमक है.

वो मिट्टी अमर ममता का खज़ाना है,
यह सोना तो आज पाना और कल खोना है.

उस मिट्टी के गागर मॆ सदियो का ग्यान सागर है,
यह सोना तो मात्र भौतिक-सुख-रत्नाकर है.

उस मिट्टी के कण-कण से हमारा हर जन्म का रिश्ता है,
इस धरती पर तो हर रिश्ता सोने से सस्ता है.

वो भूमि हर भाषा, हर धर्म, हर विद्या की मूल भूमि है,
यह भूमि भी हमरी मातृ-भूमि की खोज की निशानी है.

सफ़र

2007-07-15T00:58:00.001-04:00

सफ़र

१
मेरे कदम तो ज़माने की चाल में नही.
क्या इन्हे हमकदम मिलेगा?

मेरे जज़्बात तो दुनिया के मोहताज़ नही
क्या इन्हे हमजज़्बा मिलेगा?

मेरे ख्वाब तो वक्त की बाज़ुओं में कैद नही
क्या इन्हे हमपरवाज़ मिलेगा?

मेरे अल्फ़ाज़ को ज़ुबां की दरकार नही
क्या इन्हे हमज़ुबां मिलेगा?

मेरा साया तो रोशनी में गिरफ़्तार नही
क्या इसे हमसाया मिलेगा?

२
अकेली राह है, तन्हा सफ़र है,
गुज़रे मकामों की तलाश बरकरार है.

एक नदी कभी निकली थी वादियों से,
अपने उद्गम में समाने को बेकरार है.

सुना था खिज़ां के फूल पे बहार नही आती,
यहां सुने सेहरा में गुलशन का इन्तज़ार है.

न कोई हमसफ़र है, नही कोई रहनुमा,
बस चल पडा हूं, अपने कदमों पे इख्तियार है.

उभरती हुई कश्ती, भडका हुआ शोला

2007-07-15T00:48:00.000-04:00

एक कश्ती

एक कागज़ की कश्ती है, धीरज की पतवार है
आशाओं के मल्हार है, साथी जिसका मझधार है

हवाओं को है काटना, पानियों को है चीरना
बाज़ुओं की ताकत से, तकदीरों को है बदलना

एक शोला

कोई झिलमिलाता जुगनु नही, नही कोई टूटा हुआ तारा
ये तो है वो शोला, जो किसी तूफ़ां से ना हारा

माना की वक्त की गर्द तो, आज इस पर छाई है
फिर एक सुबह होगी, आशा ये सन्देसा लाई है.

उभरती हुई कश्ती, भडका हुआ शोला

नही है इसे किनारों का शौक, कि वो तो है मृग-मरीचिका
नही है इसे अंधेरों का डर, वो भी तो है बस वहम मन का

ये नौका फिर बीच भंवर से उभरकर नई धारा बनेगी
ये चिन्गारी फिर घने अन्धेरों से निकलकर नई ज्वाला बनेगी

फ़कीरी

2007-07-15T00:37:00.000-04:00

फ़कीरी

जाने क्या ढूंढता है दिल इस फ़कीरी में
जाने किसकी तलाश है मुझे बेकरारी में

सितारो से परे कुछ तो है जो पाना है
जो नही है हासिल दुनिया की किसी अमीरी में

वो हो गर शामिल मेरे खयालात में
तो हो तासीर मेरी बन्दिशो-शायरी में

वो गर दे संगत मेरे जज़्बात में
तो हो असर मेरे इश्को-वफ़ादारी में

कोशिश है आफ़ताब को पाने की हर कदम पर
माना की ज़र्रा हूं उसकी बराबरी में

रीढ सदा सीधी रखना

2007-07-15T00:29:00.000-04:00

भले हठीली हकीकते हो हरदम
ख्वाबो को खिलाते रहना

चाहे सख्त सचाइयां सताये
सपनों को सजाते रहना

भले तमाम तूफ़ान टूटे
उम्मीदों की नाव बनाना

चाहे पथरीले पर्वत हो पथ मे
नई मन्ज़िलों को पाते जाना

भले मुश्किले मन्डराये कितनी
सदा मुस्कानें महकाना

चाहे कांटों की चुभन हो पर
कुसुम क्यारिया लगाना

न कभी झुकना, न ही रुकना
रीढ सदा सीधी रखना

न डरना चिन्ताऒ से कभी
सीना तान सर ऊंचा रखना

Dvaita Advaita

2007-07-15T00:18:00.001-04:00

द्वैताद्वैत

जब तक मां से हम जुदा नही
उसकी ममताको हमने छुआ नही

जब तक मातृ-भूमि से हम दूर नही
उसकी मिट्टी की महक से हम मगरूर नही

अद्वैत भले हो अटल अनन्त सत्य
द्वैत है लीलाधारी की क्रीडा का कृत्य

ब्रह्म हो या मां या हो मातृ-भूमि
अद्वैत नही, द्वैत ही जगाती प्रेम अनुभूति

Agni

2007-07-15T00:11:00.001-04:00

अग्नि

अग्निदेश से आ रहा मै
अग्निपथ पर जा रहा मै

अग्निवीरो की सन्तान मै
अग्निपत्रो का फ़रमान मै

अग्निकणो की इज़ाद ये इरादे
अग्नि-दग्ध फ़ौलाद ये वादे

अग्निसम उर्ध्वगामी है जीवनपथ
अग्नि तेजपुन्ज मन, तन श्वेद लथपथ

NRI: Saanskritik Doot

2007-07-15T00:01:00.000-04:00

हम सब हैं भारत के सांस्कृतिक दूत़
हमारी मातृभूमि के हम सच्चे सपूत.

हमारा है यही एक कतर्व्य यही उत्तरदायित्व
पुण्यभूमि के सन्देश से लाभान्वित हो सारा विश्व.

सदियों के पूर्वजों ऋषियों की हम है आशा़
अगली सभी पीढीयोंकी हम हैं अभिलाषा .

सदियों के पावन भण्डार के हम उत्तराधिकारी़
वेद- उपिनषद- गीता रुपी अमृत के हम पुजारी.

संस्कृति के जीर्णोधार का हमें मिले आह्वान
भारतीयता के पुनरुत्थानका हम मांगें वरदान.